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XIV JUDICIAL YEAR OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO Conference proceedings of the Solemn Ceremony and International Conference 1 2 Tekstet e publikuara në këtë botim janë punime autoriale të autorëve përkatës, të prezantuara publikisht në Ceremoninë Solemne të Vitit të 14-të Gjyqësor të Gjykatës Kushtetuese, të mbajtur më 23 tetor 2023 në Prishtinë dhe me rastin e Konferencës Ndërkombëtare “Kontributi i Gjykatave Kushtetuese në mbrojtjen dhe forcimin e vlerave themelore të demokracisë, sundimit të ligjit dhe të drejtave dhe lirive themelore të njeriut”, të organizuar më 24 tetor 2023 në Prishtinë. Punimet janë publikuar me lejen e autorëve përkatës dhe qëndrimet e paraqitura në to nuk reflektojnë qëndrimet e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës Tekstovi objavljeni u ovoj publikaciji su autorska dela relevantnih autora, javno predstavljena na Svečanoj ceremoniji 14. sudske godine Ustavnog suda, održanoj 23. oktobra 2023. godine u Prištini i povodom Međunarodne konferencije „Doprinos ustavnih sudova u zaštiti i jačanju osnovnih vrednosti demokratije, vladavine prava i osnovnih ljudskih prava i sloboda“, organizovane 24. oktobra 2023. godine u Prištini. Radovi su objavljeni uz dozvolu relevantnih autora i stavovi predstavljeni u njima ne odražavaju stavove Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo. The texts published in this publication are authorial works of the respective authors, publicly presented at the Solemn Ceremony of the 14th Judicial Year of the Constitutional Court, held on 23 October 2023 in Prishtina and on the occasion of the International Conference “Contribution of Constitutional Courts in the protection and strengthening of the fundamental values of democracy, the rule of law and fundamental human rights and freedoms”, organized on 24 October 2023 in Prishtina. The works are published with the permission of the respective authors and the positions presented in them do not reflect the positions of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo Les textes publiés dans cette publication sont les œuvres des auteurs respectifs, présentées publiquement lors de la cérémonie solennelle de la 14e année judiciaire de la Cour Constitutionnelle, qui s’est tenue le 23 octobre 2023 à Prishtina et à l’occasion de la Conférence internationale “Contribution des Tribunaux Constitutionnels dans la protection et le renforcement des valeurs fondamentales de la démocratie, de l’État de droit et des droits et libertés fondamentaux de l’homme”, organisé le 24 octobre 2023 à Prishtina. Les ouvrages sont publiés avec l’autorisation des auteurs respectifs et les positions qui y sont présentées ne reflètent pas les positions de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Fjala e Kryetares së Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës, znj. Gresa Caka-Nimani 1 Obraćanje predsednice Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo, gđe Grese Caka-Nimani 7 Address by the President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Ms. Gresa Caka-Nimani 12 Allocution de Mme. Gresa Caka-Nimani, Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo 18 Fjala e z. John R. Tunheim, Gjyqtar Federal i Shteteve të Bashkuara 24 Obraćanje g. Johna R. Tunheima, saveznog sudije Sjedinjenih Država 29 Address by Mr. John R. Tunheim, United States Federal Judge 33 Allocution de M. John R. Tunheim, Juge fédéral des États-Unis 37 Fjala kryesore e z. Laurent Fabius, Kryetar i Këshillit Kushtetues të Republikës së Francës 42 Uvodno obraćanje g. Laurenta Fabiusa, predsednik Ustavnog saveta Republike Francuske 48 Keynote address by Mr. Laurent Fabius, President of the Constitutional Council of the Republic of France 53 Discours d’ouverture de M. Laurent Fabius, Président du Conseil Constitutionnel de la République française 58 Fjala përshëndetëse dhe hyrëse nga znj. Gresa Caka-Nimani, Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës 81 Dobrodošlica i uvodna reč gđe Grese Caka-Nimani, predsednica Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo 84 Welcome and Opening Remarks by Ms. Gresa Caka-Nimani, President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo 86 Allocution de bienvenue de Mme Gresa Caka-Nimani, Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo 89 Contribution by Mr. Zühtü Arslan, President of the Constitutional Court of Türkiye 92 Fjala e znj. Holta Zaçaj, Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Shqipërisë 96 Contribution by Mr Aldis Laviņš, President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Latvia 101 5 Contribution by Mr. Georg Lienbacher, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Austria 104 Contrbituion by Mr. José Figueiredo Dias, Judge at the Constitutional Tribunal of Portugal 111 Contribution by Ms. Marie Baker, Judge of the Supreme Court of Ireland 115 Contribution by Mr. Tom Ginsburg, Professor of Comparative Constitutional Law at Chicago University Law School 119 Contribution de M. Pierre Nihoul, Président de la Cour Constitutionnelle de Belgique 135 Contribution by Ms. Anna Austin, Jurisconsult of the European Court of Human Rights 140 Contribution by Ms. Grainne McMorrow, Representative of the Venice Commission 147 Doprinos od G. Mirsad Ćeman, potpredsednik Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine 151 Contribution by Mr. Atanas Semov, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Bulgaria 163 Contribtuion by Mr. Louis Aucoin, Foreign Advisor on Rule of Law, Constitutional Development and Transitional Justice (United States Government Advisor throughout the drafting of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo) 165 Contribution by Ms. Dineke de Groot, President of the Supreme Court of the Netherlands 171 Contribution by Mr. Villu Kõve, President of the Supreme Court of Estonia 177 Contribution by Mr. Tomas Davulis, Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania 183 Contribution by Claudio Monteiro, Supreme Administrative Court of Portugal 193 Contribution by Mr. Mato Arlović, Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia 198 Fjala e z. Osman Kadriu, Gjyqtar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Maqedonisë së Veriut 233 Contribution by Ms. Christie S. Warren, Professor of the Practice of International and Comparative Law (United States Government Advisor throughout the drafting of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo) 242 Contribution by Mr. Diego Solana, International Advisor of the World Jurist Association 247 6  VITI I KATËRMBËDHJETË GJYQËSOR I GJYKATËS KUSHTETUESE TË REPUBLIKËS SË KOSOVËS CEREMONIA SOLEMNE Prishtinë, 23 tetor 2023 14. SUDSKA GODINA USTAVNOG SUDA REPUBLIKE KOSOVO SVEČANO OTVARANJE Priština, 23. Oktobra 2023. godine FOURTEENTH JUDICIAL YEAR OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL CORUT OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO SOLEMN CEREMONY Prishtina, 23 October 2023 14EME ANNEE JUDICIAIRE DE LA COUR CONSTITUTIONNELLE DE LA REPUBLIQUE DU KOSOVO CÉRÉMONIE D’OUVERTURE SOLENNELLE Prishtina, 23 octobre 2023 7 CEREMONIA SOLEMNE E HAPJES Salla “Beethoven”, Hoteli “Emerald” 23 tetor 2023 AGJENDA 17:15 - 17:20 Fjala hyrëse e Ceremonisë Solemne të Vitit të 14-të Gjyqësor të Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës 17:20 - 17:40 Fjala e znj. Gresa Caka-Nimani, Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës 17:40 - 17:45 Fjalë rasti e SH.S. znj. Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu, Presidente e Republikës së Kosovës (video-adresim) 17:45 - 18:00 Fjala e z. John R. Tunheim, Gjyqtar Federal i Shteteve të Bashkuara dhe Këshilltari Kryesor i Shteteve të Bashkuara në mbështetje të procesit të krijimit të Kushtetutës së Republikës së Kosovës 18:00 - 18:25 Fjala kryesore e z. Laurent Fabius, Kryetar i Këshillit Kushtetues të Republikës së Francës 18:25 - 18:35 Shfaqja e video-dokumentarit për 14-vjetorin e Gjykatës Kushtetuese 18:35 - 18:45 Fjala përmbyllëse SVEČANO OTVARANJE Sala “Beethoven”, hotel “Emerald” 23. oktobra 2023. godine DNEVNI RED 17:15 - 17:20 Uvodni govor Svečane ceremonije 14. sudske godine Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo 17:20 - 17:40 Obraćanje gđe Grese Caka-Nimani, predsednice Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo 17:40 - 17:45 Pogodan govor NJ.E. gđe. Vjose Osmani-Sadriu, predsednica Republike Kosovo (video obraćanje) 17:45 - 18:00 Obraćanje g. Johna R. Tunheima, saveznog sudije Sjedinjenih Država i glavnog savetnika Sjedinjenih Država, koji je podržavao proces donošenja Ustava Republike Kosovo 18:00 - 18:25 Uvodno obraćanje g. Laurenta Fabiusa, predsednik Ustavnog saveta Republike Francuske 18:25 - 18:35 Projekcija video-dokumentarnog filma povodom 14. godišnjice Ustavnog suda 18:35 - 18:45 Završna reč SOLEMN OPENING CEREMONY “Beethoven” Hall, Hotel “Emerald” 23 October 2023 AGENDA 17:15 - 17:20 Opening remarks of the Solemn Ceremony of the 14th Judicial Year of the Constitutional Court of Republic of Kosovo 17:20 - 17:40 Address by Ms. Gresa Caka-Nimani, President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo 17:40 - 17:45 Video-address by H.E. Ms. Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu, President of the Republic of Kosovo 17:45 - 18:00 Address by Mr. John R. Tunheim, United States Federal Judge and the Lead United States Advisor supporting the constitution-making process of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo 18:00 - 18:25 Keynote address by Mr. Laurent Fabius, President of the Constitutional Council of the Republic of France 18:25 - 18:35 Screening of video-documentary on the 14th Anniversary of the Constitutional Court 18:35 - 18:45 Closing remarks CÉRÉMONIE D'OUVERTURE SOLENNELLE Salle “Beethoven”, Hôtel “Emerald” Prishtina, 23 octobre 2023 ORDRE DU JOUR 17:15 - 17:20 Discours d'ouverture de la Cérémonie Solennelle de la 14e Année Judiciaire de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo 17:20 - 17:40 Allocution de Mme. Gresa Caka-Nimani, Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo 17:40 - 17:45 Allocution de Mme. Vjosa Osmani, Présidente de la République du Kosovo (adresse vidéo) 17:45 - 18:00 Allocution de M. John R. Tunheim, Juge fédéral des États-Unis et conseiller principal des États-Unis ayant soutenu le processus d'élaboration de la Constitution de la République du Kosovo 18:00 - 18:25 Discours d'ouverture de M. Laurent Fabius, Président du Conseil Constitutionnel de la République française 18:25 - 18:35 Projection du documentaire sur le 14ème anniversaire de la Cour Constitutionnelle 18:35 - 18:45 Remarques finales  Fjala e Kryetares së Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës, znj. Gresa Caka-Nimani Obraćanje predsednice Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo, gde Grese Caka-Nimani Address by the President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Ms. Gresa Caka-Nimani Allocution de Mme. Gresa Caka-Nimani, Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo Fjala e Kryetares së Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës, znj. Gresa Caka-Nimani T ë nderuar pjesëmarrës të ceremonisë së shënimit të përvjetorit të katërmbëdhjetë të themelimit të Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës; Të nderuar deputetë, ministra, udhëheqës të pushtetit gjyqësor e të institucioneve të pavarura; Të nderuar Presidentë Sejdiu e Jahjaga; Të nderuar Ambasadorë e përfaqësues të institucioneve ndërkombëtare; E nderuar ish-Kryetare e Gjykatës, Zonja Rama-Hajrizi e ish-gjyqtarë të Gjykatës Kushtetuese; Të nderuar kryetarë komunash, përfaqësues të institucioneve, të shoqërisë civile dhe medies; I nderuar z. Fabius, Kryetar i Këshillit Kushtetues të Francës; Të nderuar Kryetarë të Gjykatave Kushtetuese e Supreme të Belgjikës - z. Nihoul dhe z. Lavrysen; të Estonisë - z. Kõve; të Holandës - zonja De Groot; të Letonisë - z. Laviņš; të Shqipërisë - zonja Zaçaj e z. Sadushi; dhe të Turqisë - z. Zühtü Arslan; Të nderuar gjyqtarë të Gjykatave Kushtetuese e Supreme të Bosnje e Hercegovinës, Austrisë, Bull- garisë, Irlandës, Kroacisë, Lituanisë, Maqedonisë së Veriut, Portugalisë, Shqipërisë dhe Shteteve të Bashkuara të Amerikës – gjyqtar Tunheim; Të nderuar përfaqësues të Gjykatës Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut dhe të Komisionit të Venecias; Të nderuar pjesëmarrës/Zonja dhe Zotërinj, 1 Ju lutem më lejoni që fillimisht të shprehë kënaqësinë e mirënjohjen e thellë për praninë tuaj. Prania juaj në shënimin e këtij përvjetori të Gjykatës Kushtetuese, na nderon. Pjesëmarrja e delegacioneve nga mbarë Bota reflekton respektin për Gjykatën tonë dhe solidaritetin e përkushtimin e palëkundur të Gjykatave për të bashkëpunuar në mbrojtje të vlerave të përbashkëta. Sot, simbolikisht, shënojmë 14-të vjetorin e Gjykatës Kushtetuese, të themeluar përmes një Kushte- tute, e cila ka kurorëzuar sakrificën e gjeneratave të tëra për liri e pavarësi, por edhe idealin e palëkun- dur të një populli për një shtet të së drejtës të bazuar në vlerat që reflekton tradita e përbashkët e shteteve demokratike. Kjo Gjykatë, simbol i një rendi të pavarur kushtetues, është mveshur me detyrën e interpretim- it dhe të mbrojtjes së kësaj Kushtetute. Themelimi i njëkohshëm i Republikës dhe Gjykatës së saj Kushtetuese, ka përcaktuar rolin e kësaj të fundit, që shkon përtej ushtrimit klasik të juridiksionit kushtetues, duke ngërthyer pashmangshëm edhe atë të formësimit dhe konsolidimit të identitetit shtetëror e ndërkombëtarë të Kosovës. Katërmbëdhjetë vite më parë, gjenerata e parë e gjyqtarëve të Gjykatës Kushtetuese, mori përgjeg- jësinë për të interpretuar një Kushtetutë të posamiratuar të një Republike të posathemeluar. Konteksti dinamik i shtetndërtimit, i ka mundësuar kësaj Gjykate që të ketë një rol thelbësor në për- caktimin e dinamikave të zhvillimit demokratik të Kosovës. Gjykata ka mbajtur baraspeshën në mes (i) të hovit të ndërtimit të shpejtë institucional të një shteti të ri; dhe (ii) detyrimit të konsolidimit të një rendi shoqëror e institucional bazuar në vlerat që ngërthente një Kushtetutë e re. Si rezultat, sot, në gjysmën e parë të dekadës së saj të dytë, Gjykata tashmë ka një histori të jashtëza- konshme dhe një praktikë gjyqësore thelbësisht të pasur. Janë dy karakteristika që burojnë nga kjo praktikë gjyqësore e që shënojnë rolin e palëkundur të Gjykatës Kushtetuese në realizimin e aspiratës që ngërthen Kushtetuta - për një shtet që qëndron krenarë në mesin e shteteve të familjes evropiane. E para, ndërlidhet me kontributin e Gjykatës në mbrojtjen dhe avancimin e të drejtave dhe lirive themelore përgjatë konsolidimit të një shteti të përkushtuar për barazinë e të gjithëve para ligjit. Gjykata ka shërbyer si urë lidhëse në mes vlerave që reflekton praktika gjyqësore e Gjykatës Evro- piane për të Drejtat e Njeriut dhe të drejtave dhe lirive të të gjithë qytetarëve dhe komuniteteve të Republikës, pa asnjë dallim. Ndërsa, e dyta ndërlidhet me kontributin e çmuar të Gjykatës Kushtetuese në konsolidimin e parimit të ndarjes dhe balancimit të pushteteve në rendin kushtetues të Republikës së Kosovës. Kjo sepse, demokracia është e plotë vetëm atëherë kur ushtrimi i sovranitetit është i mbështetur nga sundimi i ligjit dhe ky i fundit, nuk mund të ekzistojë pa ndarjen dhe ndërveprimin e nevojshëm në mes tri pushteteve pavarura. 2 Të nderuar pjesëmarrës, Marrë parasysh kontekstin e shtetndërtimit të Kosovës, përfshirë sfidën, por edhe përparësinë e ndërtimit të një rendi të ri kushtetues, çështjet që ndërlidhen me ndarjen dhe ndërveprimin e pushteteve, i janë nënshtruar vlerësimit të Gjykatës në mënyrë të vazhdueshme ndër vite. Ajo ka dhënë fjalën e saj përfundimtare në një mori çështjesh që ngërthejnë ndërveprimin në mes pushteteve, përfshirë por pa u kufizuar në (i) procedurat e zgjedhjes e funksionin e Presidentit të Republikës; (ii) konstituimin e institucioneve pas zgjedhjeve parlamentare, përfshirë zgjedhjen e Qeverisë pas mocionit të mosbesimit; (iii) rolin mbikëqyrës të Kuvendit në raport me Qeverinë dhe institucionet e pavarura; dhe (iv) kufijtë e ndërveprimit në mes pushtetit lokal e qendror. Kjo vendimmarrje e Gjykatës, me raste, ka rezultuar në ndryshime rrënjësore në dinamikën politike, por edhe bartjen dhe/ose përbërjen e pushtetit ekzekutiv dhe legjislativ. Të gjitha forcat politike kanë respektuar këto vendime, duke reflektuar kështu përkushtimin e palëkundur të Republikës për shtetin e së drejtës. Thënë këtë, praktika gjyqësore dërrmuese e Gjykatës në kontekst të ndarjes dhe balancimit të pushteteve, ndërlidhet me kufijtë e ushtrimit të kompetencave të pushtetit ekzekutiv dhe/ose legjislativ në raport me atë gjyqësor dhe/ose institucione të pavarura kushtetuese. Marrë parasysh historikun relativisht të ri të pavarësisë së pushtetit gjyqësor dhe institucioneve të pavarura, janë këto të fundit, që i ekspozohen rrezikut më të madh të mundësisë së cenimit të pa- varësisë së tyre përmes ushtrimit të kompetencave të dy pushteteve tjera dhe kjo tendencë, sigurisht që nuk është karakteristikë vetëm e Republikës tonë. Sipas, ndër të tjera, Opinioneve të Këshillit Konsultativ të Gjyqtarëve Evropian të Këshillit të Evropës, gjatë dekadave të fundit, marrëdhënia ndërmjet tri pushteteve është transformuar (i) duke rezultuar në zvogëlimin e funksionit mbikëqyrës të pushtetit legjislativ ndaj atij ekzekutiv; ndërsa (ii) rritja e kom- petencës ekzekutive ka rezultuar në numër të shtuar të kontesteve në gjykata dhe kjo nga ana tjetër, ka rezultuar në pasojën e kontestimit të legjitimitetit të pushtetit gjyqësor në diskursin publik. Një fenomen të tillë, në demokracitë me traditë më pak të konsoliduar, në mbrojtje të vlerave themelore të demokracisë, e kanë kundër-balancuar gjykatat me karakter supranacional, përkatë- sisht Gjykata Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut dhe Gjykata e Drejtësisë e Bashkimit Evropian. Ndërsa, në Republikën e Kosovës, e ka kundër-balancuar Gjykata Kushtetuese. Qëndrueshmërinë konsistente në mbrojtje të ndarjes, pavarësisë, por dhe ndërveprimit të pushteteve, me theks në pavarësinë e pushtetit gjyqësor, Gjykata e ka mbajtur duke u bazuar në parimet që buro- jnë nga Kushtetuta, por edhe nga praktika gjyqësore e dy gjykatave të lartcekura. Praktika gjyqësore e Gjykatës Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut është detyrim kushtetues, ndërsa praktika gjyqësore e Gjykatës së Drejtësisë përkon me aspiratën kushtetuese për anëtarësimin në Bashkimin Evropian. Të nderuar pjesëmarrës, Ndërveprimi në mes të pushteteve, medoemos që reflekton edhe tension në mes tyre. Ky tension, të cilit Këshilli Konsultativ i Gjyqtarëve Evropian të Këshillit të Evropës i referohet si “tension kreativ”, 3 reflekton faktin që demokracia në Republikën e Kosovës funksionon. E kundërta, përkatësisht, mungesa e një tensioni të tillë, do të nënkuptonte që pushtetet nuk po e luajnë funksionin ndërve- prues dhe/ose mbikëqyrës në mënyrë efektive, duke e dëmtuar kështu ruajtjen e ekuilibrit të duhur kushtetues. Thënë këtë, ky tension, jo rrallëherë është manifestuar edhe me sulme publike kundër Gjykatës Kushtetuese, por edhe institucioneve tjera të pavarura. Një diskurs i tillë publik, gjithashtu, nuk është unik vetëm për Republikën tonë. Esenca e tij, dhe edhe pse jo i artikuluar në mënyrë të tillë, ngërthen diskutimin e nivelit teorik ndërlidhur me argumentin e kundër-balancimit të shumicës, i cili, në esencë, ngrit dilemën e mungesës së legjitimitetit të pushtetit gjyqësor dhe/ose Gjykatave Kushtetuese - pushteti i të cilave nuk buron në mënyrë të drejtpërdrejtë nga populli, për të vlerësuar ligjet e aktet miratuara nga përfaqësuesit e zgjedhur të popullit. Megjithatë, në demokracitë me traditë më të konsoliduar kushtetuese është tejkaluar kjo dilemë dhe ka mbizotëruar qëndrimi/kundër-argumenti sipas të cilit legjitimiteti i kontrollit gjyqësor në raport me dy pushtetet tjera, buron nga Kushtetuta… nga besnikëria ndaj saj. Sigurisht që legjitimiteti kushtetues i kontrollit gjyqësor është i ndërvarur nga legjitimiteti funksion- al i gjyqtarëve dhe prokurorëve, dhe të cilët, i nënshtrohen detyrimit kushtetues të vetëpërmbajtjes, profesionalizmit dhe llogaridhënies, duke kryer funksionin e tyre në mbrojtje të Kushtetutës dhe/ ose ligjit. Në të kundërtën, janë vetë bartësit e pushtetit gjyqësor dhe sistemit prokurorial, të cilët do të cenonin autoritetin e një pushteti të tërë në dëm të ekuilibrit kushtetues. Këto parime, Gjykata i ka theksuar në mënyrë të vazhdueshme, përfshirë faktin që ndarja dhe ndërveprimi i pushteteve nuk nënkupton funksionimin e tyre në izolim, por bazuar në parimin e lojalitetit kushtetues, në mbështetje të njëri-tjetrit, për të siguruar funksionimin e mirëfilltë të rendit kushtetues në një sho- qëri demokratike. Zonja dhe Zotërinj, Sigurisht që debati publik e teorik, përfshirë kritikën që është vlerë thelbësore e rendit tonë kushtetues, lidhur me burimin e legjitimitetit demokratik të kontrollit gjyqësor e kushtetues, është me vlerë. Thënë këtë, duhet gjithashtu të kujtojmë që teoria e ndarjes dhe ndërveprimit të pushteteve të pavar- ura, është e vetmja që i ka rezistuar kohës dhe përbën themelet e demokracive kushtetuese liberale. Këto të fundit, për gati tre shekuj, i kanë qëndruar besnike, esencës së teorisë së zhvilluar përmes mendjeve më të rralla të mendimit filozofik e politik, përfshirë (i) mendimtarin francez Montesquieu përmes Frymës së Ligjeve; dhe (ii) Alexander Hamilton e James Madison përmes Letrave Feder- aliste, sipas të cilëve, në esencë, liritë civile dhe politike janë efektive vetëm përmes një sistemi të pushteteve të ndara e të kontrolluara për të pamundësuar koncentrimin e pushtetit dhe/ose arbitrar- itetin e secilës prej tyre. Frymëzuar edhe nga Montesquieu, në një nga Letrat Federaliste (që në vitin 1788), në mënyrë të thjeshtësuar por madhështore, reflektohet pyetja thelbësore që ka sfiduar dhe formësuar modelet kushtetuese në kontekst të funksionit të pushteteve shekuj më pas dhe po citoj si në vijim: 4 “Nëse njerëzit do të ishin engjuj, asnjë qeverisje nuk do të ishte e nevojshme. Nëse engjujt do të qeverisnin njerëzit, asnjë kontroll i jashtëm ose i brendshëm në qeverisje nuk do të ishte i nevo- jshëm. Në formimin e një qeverisje të administruar nga njerëzit për njerëzit, vështirësia e madhe është në këtë: së pari duhet të mundësohet që qeverisja të kontrolloj të qeverisurit, dhe më pas, të obligohet të kontrolloj vetveten”. Mbi frymën e këtyre koncepteve qëndrojnë ndër rendet më të vjetra demokratike në Botë. Mbi frymën e këtyre parimeve qëndron emëruesi i përbashkët i traditës kushtetuese të shteteve demokratike. Mbi parimet e kësaj trashëgime, qëndron edhe Kushtetuta e Republikës së Kosovës. Është detyrë e Gjykatës Kushtetuese t’u qëndrojë besnike këtyre vlerave. E njëjta detyrë u takon edhe të gjitha autoriteteve publike. Kushtetuta është edhe përkushtimi kolektiv i të gjitha autoriteteve pub- like, në emër të qytetarëve, për një shtet të së drejtës në përputhje me vlerat që ngërthen Kushtetuta e parë e këtij shteti që fillon me shprehjen “Ne, Populli i Kosovës”. Gjykata, gjithnjë nën kufizimet që i përcakton Kushtetuta por pa marrë parasysh dinamikat e zhvillimet ditore, do t’i qëndrojë besnike këtyre parimeve. Zonja dhe Zotërinj, Katërmbëdhjetë vite pas themelimit, Gjykata Kushtetuese, sot qëndron dinjitoze mes Gjykatave Kushtetuese anëtare të Konferencës Botërore të Drejtësisë Kushtetuese. Ajo është ndër anëtaret më aktive të Forumit të Komisionit të Venecias. Praktika e saj gjyqësore është garanci e argument shtesë që Kosova e ka vendin në mes shteteve anëtare të Këshillit të Evropës. Të arriturat e saj dhe përkundër sfidave, janë reflektim i përkushtimit të palëkundur të të gjitha gjen- eratave të gjyqtarëve të Gjykatës Kushtetuese. Sigurisht, edhe i mbështetjes së pakursyer të gjykat- ave kushtetuese simotra nga mbarë bota, bashkëpunimi i thellë me të cilat reflektohet edhe nga pjesëmarrja e madhe e tyre në këtë ceremoni e të cilave, në emër të Gjykatës, ju shpreh edhe një herë mirënjohjen e thellë. Pjesëmarrja juaj e nderon Gjykatën tonë. Pjesëmarrja juaj e nderon Republikën e Kosovës. Falënderime për një bashkëpunim e mbështetje të pakursyer duhet t’i drejtohen edhe Komision- it të Venecias dhe Këshillit të Evropës, me mbështetjen e të cilit, Gjykata ka vënë bashkëpunim të jashtëzakonshëm me Gjykatën Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut. Jam thellësisht e bindur që, atëherë kur Republika jonë ta marr vendin e merituar si anëtare e Këshillit të Evropës, praktika gjyqësore e Gjykatës Kushtetuese do t’i bëjë ballë filtrit të mbikëqyrjes të Gjykatës Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut. Në fund, falënderime i shpreh Ambasadave të shteteve mike në Republikën e Kosovës dhe agjencive të tyre për bashkëpunim ndërkombëtar, të cilat në mënyrë të pakursyer kanë mbështetur Gjykatën tonë. Mirënjohje e veçantë për dy shtete mike, ndër shumë sosh prezentë sot këtu, Shtetet e Bashkuara të Amerikës dhe Republikën e Francës, dhe të cilat, në këtë ceremoni, përfaqësohen nga dy folës të nderuar: (i) gjyqtari federal Tunheim, i cili ka lënë gjurmë në shtetndërtimin e Kosovës, përfshirë 5 përmes mbështetjes së Komisionit Kushtetues për hartimin e Kushtetutës tonë; dhe (ii) Kryetarit Fabius, mbështetja e pakursyer e të cilit ka lartësuar Gjykatën tonë, përfshirë me pasurinë e traditës së çmuar kushtetuese franceze. Të dashur miq, Republika e Kosovës është e ndërtuar nëpërmjet historive, në të cilat dhimbja gërshetohet me krenarinë dhe qëndresën. Por, mbi të gjitha, Republika e Kosovës është një histori suksesi. Jo vetëm sa i përket rrugëtimit his- torik të shtetndërtimit, por edhe zhvillimit të demokracisë. Ky sukses është medoemos, edhe reflek- tim i mbështetjes e partneritetit të palëkundur të shteteve mike të Republikës së Kosovës. Thënë këtë, demokracia është proces i vazhdueshëm, i cili i nënshtrohet edhe testit të përkushti- mit… të durimit - të besimit të palëkundur për një ide të përbashkët që reflekton vet preambula e Kushtetutës – ndërtimit të një Republike që bazohet në vlerat e përbashkëta të shteteve paqedashëse në Botë. Për tu kthyer edhe një herë te Montesquieu – nuk ka një popull më të fuqishëm se ai që respekton ligjet, jo nga arsyeja apo frika, por nga pasioni – nga përkushtimi e respekti për shtetin. Duke ju falënderuar për vëmendjen tuaj - në emër të kolegëve të mi gjyqtarë të Gjykatës Kushtetuese: zëvendëskryetarit Bajram Ljatifi e gjyqtarëve Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, Safet Hoxha, Radomir Laban, Remzije Istrefi-Peci, Nexhmi Rexhepi e Enver Peci - urojmë dhe festojmë së bashku këto katërmbëdhjetë vite tradite të drejtësisë kushtetuese në Republikën e Kosovës. Ju faleminderit! Gresa Caka-Nimani Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës 6 Obraćanje predsednice Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo, gđe Grese Caka-Nimani Uvaženi učesnici ceremonije obeležavanja četrnaestogodišnjice osnivanja Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo; Poštovani poslanici, ministri, rukovodioci pravosudne vlasti i nezavisnih institucija; Poštovani predsedniče Sejdiu i predsednice Jahjaga; Poštovani ambasadori i predstavnici međunarodnih institucija; Poštovana bivša predsednice Suda, gđo Rama-Hajrizi i bivše sudije Ustavnog suda; Poštovani predsednici opština i predstavnici institucija, civilnog društva i medija; Poštovani g. Fabiuse, predsedniče Ustavnog saveta Francuske; Poštovani predsednici ustavnih i vrhovnih sudova Belgije – g. Nihoule i g. Lavrysene; Estonije – g. Kõve; Holandije – gđo De Groot; Letonije – g. Laviņš; Albanije – gđo Zaçaj i g. Sadushi; i Turske – g. Zühtü Arslan; Poštovane sudije ustavnih i vrhovnih sudova Bosne i Hercegovine, Austrije, Bugarske, Irske, Hrvatske, Litvanije, Severne Makedonije, Portugala, Albanije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država - sudijo Tunheime; Poštovani predstavnici Evropskog suda za ljudska prava i Venecijanske komisije; Poštovani učesnici/dame i gospodo, Dozvolite mi da na početku izrazim svoje zadovoljstvo i duboku zahvalnost na vašem prisustvu. Svo- jim prisustvom obeležavanju ove godišnjice Ustavnog suda ukazali ste nam čast. Učešće delegacija iz celog sveta odražava poštovanje prema našem Sudu i solidarnost i nepokolebljivu posvećenost sudova da sarađuju u odbrani zajedničkih vrednosti. Danas, simbolično, obeležavamo 14. godišnjicu Ustavnog suda, ustanovljenog Ustavom, koji je kruni- sao požrtvovanost čitavih generacija za slobodu i nezavisnost, ali i nepokolebljivi ideal jednog naroda za pravnu državu zasnovanu na vrednostima koje odražava zajednička tradicija demokratskih država. Ovom Sudu, simbolu nezavisnog ustavnog poretka, dodeljena je dužnost tumačenja i zaštite ovog Ustava. Istovremeno osnivanje Republike i njenog Ustavnog suda odredilo je ulogu ovog poslednjeg, koja prevazilazi klasično vršenje ustavne nadležnosti, zahvativši neminovno i ulogu oblikovanja i konsolidovanja državnog i međunarodnog identiteta Kosova. Pre četrnaest godina, prva generacija sudija Ustavnog suda, preuzela je odgovornost za tumačenje novousvojenog Ustava novoosnovane Republike. 7 Dinamičan kontekst izgradnje države omogućio je ovom Sudu da ima suštinsku ulogu u određivanju dinamika demokratskog razvoja Kosova. Sud je održavao ravnotežu između (i) zamaha brze insti- tucionalne izgradnje jedne mlade države i (ii) obaveze konsolidovanja društvenog i institucionalnog poretka zasnovanog na vrednostima sadržanim u jednom novom Ustavu. Kao rezultat toga, danas, u prvoj polovini svoje druge decenije, Sud već ima izuzetnu istoriju i suš- tinski bogatu sudsku praksu. Dve su karakteristike koje proizilaze iz ove sudske prakse, a koje obeležavaju nepokolebljivu ulogu Ustav- nog suda u ostvarivanju težnje koju oličava Ustav – za državom koja sa ponosom stoji među državama evropske porodice. Prva se odnosi na doprinos Suda zaštiti i unapređenju osnovnih prava i sloboda tokom konsolidacije države koja je posvećena jednakosti svih pred zakonom. Sud je služio kao most između vrednosti koje se ogledaju u sudskoj praksi Evropskog suda za ljudska prava i prava i sloboda svih građana i zajednica Republike, bez ikakve razlike. Druga se pak odnosi na dragoceni doprinos Ustavnog suda u konsolidovanju načela podele i rav- noteže vlasti u ustavnom poretku Republike Kosovo. To stoga što je demokratija potpuna samo onda kada je vršenje suvereniteta podržano vladavinom prava, a vladavina prava ne može posto- jati bez neophodnog razdvajanja i interakcije među trima nezavisnim vlastima. Poštovani učesnici, Uzimajući u obzir kontekst izgradnje države Kosovo, uključujući i izazov, ali i prioritet izgradnje jednog novog ustavnog poretka, pitanja koja se tiču podele i interakcije vlasti, bila su tokom godina neprestano predmet ocene Suda. Ustavni sud je dao svoju konačnu reč u nizu pitanja koja uključuju interakciju između vlasti, ukl- jučujući ali ne ograničavajući se na (i) procedure izbora i funkciju predsednika Republike; (ii) kon- stituisanje institucija nakon parlamentarnih izbora, uključujući i izbor Vlade nakon izglasavanja nepoverenja; (iii) nadzornu ulogu Skupštine u odnosu na Vladu i nezavisne institucije; i (iv) granice interakcije između lokalne i centralne vlasti. Ovo odlučivanje Suda je u pojedinim slučajevima rezultiralo temeljitim promenama u političkoj di- namici, ali i prenosu i/ili sastavu izvršne i zakonodavne vlasti. Sve političke snage su poštovale ove odluke, pokazujući tako nepokolebljivu posvećenost Republike vladavini prava. Pri tome, preovladavajuća sudska praksa Suda u kontekstu podele i ravnoteže vlasti odnosi se na granice vršenja ovlašćenja izvršne i/ili zakonodavne vlasti u odnosu na sudsku vlast i/ili nezavisne ustavne institucije. S obzirom na relativno noviju istoriju nezavisnosti sudske vlasti i nezavisnih institucija, upravo su ove poslednje te koje su izložene najvećem riziku od mogućnosti da njihova nezavisnost bude naruše- na vršenjem ovlašćenja druge dve vlasti, a ova tendencija svakako nije karakteristična samo za našu Republiku. 8 Prema, između ostalog, mišljenjima Konsultativnog veća evropskih sudija Saveta Evrope, tokom poslednjih decenija došlo je do transformacije odnosa između triju vlasti (i) što je rezultiralo sman- jenjem nadzorne funkcije zakonodavne vlasti nad izvršnom vlašću; dok je (ii) povećanje izvršne nadležnosti rezultiralo povećanim brojem sporova pred sudovima, a to je s druge strane imalo za posledicu osporavanje legitimiteta sudske vlasti u javnom diskursu. Ovakvu pojavu su u demokratijama sa manje konsolidovanom tradicijom, u odbrani osnovnih vred- nosti demokratije, uravnotežavali sudovi nadnacionalne prirode, odnosno Evropski sud za ljudska prava i Sud pravde Evropske unije. U Republici Kosovo je ovu pojavu uravnotežavao Ustavni sud. Doslednu stabilnost u odbrani podele, nezavisnosti, ali i interakcije vlasti, sa naglaskom na nezavis- nosti sudske vlasti, Sud je održavao na osnovu načela koja proističu iz Ustava, ali i iz sudske prakse dva gore navedena suda. Sudska praksa Evropskog suda za ljudska prava je ustavna obaveza; dok se sudska praksa Suda pravde poklapa sa ustavnom težnjom za članstvom u Evropskoj uniji. Poštovani učesnici, Interakcija između vlasti bezuvetno odražava i tenziju među njima. Ova tenzija, koju Konsultativno veće evropskih sudija Saveta Evrope naziva „kreativnom tenzijom“, odražava činjenicu da demokrati- ja u Republici Kosovo funkcioniše. Nasuprot tome, odsustvo takve tenzije značilo bi da vlasti ne igraju delotvorno interaktivnu i/ili nadzornu funkciju, čime bi naštetile održavanju odgovarajuće ustavne ravnoteže. Naime, ova tenzija se neretko manifestovala i javnim napadima na Ustavni sud, ali i druge nezavisne institucije. Takav javni diskurs nije svojstven samo našoj Republici. Njegova suština, iako nije artikulisan na takav način, podrazumeva diskusiju na teorijskom nivou po pitanju argumenta protivteže većini, koja, u suštini, otvara dilemu nedostatka legitimiteta sudske vlasti i/ili ustavnih sudova – čija vlast ne potiče direktno od naroda, da ocenjuju zakone ili akte koje su usvojili izabrani predstavnici naroda. Međutim, u demokratijama sa konsolidovanijom ustavnom tradicijom ova dilema je prevaziđena i preovladao je stav/protivargument prema kojem legitimitet sudske kontrole u ​​odnosu na dve druge vlasti potiče iz Ustava... iz privrženosti njemu. Naravno, ustavni legitimitet sudske kontrole zavisi od funkcionalnog legitimiteta sudija i tužilaca, koji podležu ustavnoj obavezi uzdržanosti, profesionalizma i odgovornosti prilikom vršenja svoje funkcije u odbrani Ustava i/ili zakona. U suprotnom bi sami nosioci sudske vlasti i tužilačkog siste- ma bili ti koji bi narušili autoritet čitave vlasti na štetu ustavne ravnoteže. Sud je dosledno isticao ova načela, uključujući i činjenicu da podela i interakcija vlasti ne znači da je njihovo funkcionisanje izolovano, već zasnovano na načelu ustavne lojalnosti, u međusobnoj podršci, kako bi se obezbedilo pravilno funkcionisanje ustavnog poretka u demokratskom društvu. Dame i gospodo, Svakako je dragocena i javna i teorijska debata, uključujući i kritiku koja čini suštinsku vrednost našeg ustavnog poretka, po pitanju izvora demokratskog legitimiteta sudske i ustavne kontrole. 9 Naime, moramo takođe zapamtiti da je teorija podele i interakcije nezavisnih vlasti jedina koja je izdržala test vremena i predstavlja temelje liberalnih ustavnih demokratija. Ove poslednje su, skoro tri veka, ostale verne suštini teorije koju su razvili retki umovi filozofske i političke misli, uključujući (i) francuskog mislioca Montesquieua koji je to učinio svojim delom „O duhu zakona“ i (ii) Alexandera Hamiltona i Jamesa Madisona putem „Federalističkih spisa“, prema kojima su, građanske i političke slobode, u suštini, delotvorne samo kroz sistem odvojenih i kon- trolisanih vlasti kako bi se onemogućila koncentracija vlasti i/ili arbitrarnost svake od njih. Inspirisano i Montesquieueom, u jednom od Federalističkih spisa (još 1788. godine) je na pojednos- tavljen, ali veličanstven način, prikazano fundamentalno pitanje koje je vekovima kasnije izazivalo i oblikovalo ustavne modele u kontekstu funkcije vlasti, a ja citiram sledeće: „Kad bi ljudi bili anđeli, tada ne bi ni trebalo da postoji nikakva vlast. Kada bi anđeli vladali ljudima, ne bi bilo potrebe ni za kakvom, ni spoljašnjom, niti unutrašnjom kontrolom. A pri uspostavljanju sistema vladavine koju će ljudi sprovoditi nad ljudima, velika poteškoća se sastoji u sledećem: prvo morate omogućiti vladi da kontroliše one kojima vlada - a zatim je obavezati da kontroliše samu sebe“. Na duhu ovih koncepata počivaju najstariji demokratski poreci u svetu. Na duhu ovih načela počiva zajednički imenitelj ustavne tradicije demokratskih država. Na načelima ovog nasleđa počiva i Ustav Republike Kosovo. Dužnost je Ustavnog suda da ostane privržen ovim vrednostima. Ista dužnost pripada i svim javnim vlastima. Ustav je i kolektivno zalaganje svih javnih organa vlasti, u ime građana, za pravnu državu u skladu sa vrednostima sadržanim u prvom Ustavu ove države koji počinje frazom – „Mi, građani Kosova“. Sud će, uvek prema ograničenjima propisanim Ustavom, ali bez obzira na svakodnevne dinamike i dešavanja, ostati privržen ovim načelima. Dame i gospodo, Četrnaest godina nakon osnivanja, Ustavni sud danas stoji dostojanstveno među ustavnim sudovima koji su članovi Svetske konferencije ustavne pravde. On je među najaktivnijim članovima Foruma Venecijanske komisije. Njegova sudska praksa je dodatna garancija i argument da Kosovo ima svoje mesto među državama članicama Saveta Evrope. Njegova dostignuća su, uprkos izazovima, odraz nepokolebljive posvećenosti svih generacija sudi- ja Ustavnog suda. Naravno i nesebične podrške sestrinskih ustavnih sudova iz celog sveta, duboka saradnja sa kojima se ogleda i u njihovom velikom učešću na ovoj svečanosti, na čemu im, u ime Suda, još jednom izražavam duboku zahvalnost. Svojim učešćem ste ukazali čast našem Sudu. Svo- jim učešćem ste ukazali čast Republici Kosovo. Zahvalnost na saradnji i nesebičnoj podršci treba uputiti i Venecijanskoj komisiji i Savetu Evrope, uz čiju podršku je Sud uspostavio izvanrednu saradnju sa Evropskim sudom za ljudska prava. Duboko sam uverena da će sudska praksa Ustavnog suda, onda kada naša Republika bude zauzela zasluženo mesto u Savetu Evrope, izdržati filter nadzora Evropskog suda za ljudska prava. 10 Na kraju, izražavam zahvalnost ambasadama prijateljskih zemalja u Republici Kosovo i njihovim agencijama za međunarodnu saradnju, koje su nesebično podržavale naš Sud. Posebno se zahvaljujemo dvema prijateljskim državama, među mnogima koje su prisutne danas ovde, Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama i Republici Francuskoj, a koje na ovoj ceremoniji pred- stavljaju dvojica uvaženih govornika: (i) savezni sudija Tunheim, koji je ostavio svoj trag u izgradnji države Kosovo, uključujući i putem podrške Ustavnoj komisiji za izradu našeg Ustava; i (ii) pred- sednik Fabius, čija je nesebična podrška izdigla naš Sud, obuhvatajući i blago dragocene francuske ustavne tradicije. Dragi prijatelji, Republika Kosovo je građena kroz priče u kojima se bol prepliće sa ponosom i izdržljivošću. Ali, povrh svega, Republika Kosovo je priča o uspehu. I to ne samo u pogledu istorijskog puta izgrad- nje države, već i razvoja demokratije. Ovaj uspeh je svakako i odraz podrške i nepokolebljivog part- nerstva prijateljskih država Republike Kosovo. Naime, demokratija je neprekidni proces, koji podleže i testu posvećenosti… strpljenja – nepokolebljive vere u zajedničku ideju koju odražava sama preambula Ustava – izgradnje Republike zasnovane na zajedničkim vrednostima miroljubivih država u svetu. Vratiću se još jednom misliocu Montesquieu - nema moćnijeg naroda od onog koji poštuje zakone, ne iz razuma ili straha, već iz strasti - zbog privrženosti i poštovanja prema državi. Zahvaljujući vam se na pažnji – u ime mojih kolega sudija Ustavnog suda: zamenika predsednika Bajrama Ljatifija i sudija Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, Safeta Hoxhe, Radomira Labana, Remzije Is- trefi-Peci, Nexhmija Rexhepija i Envera Pecija – zajedno čestitamo i slavimo ovih četrnaest godina tradicije ustavnog pravosuđa u Republici Kosovo. Hvala! Grese Caka-Nimani Predsednica Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo 11 Address by the President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Ms. Gresa Caka-Nimani Dear participants and guests of the ceremony of marking the 14th anniversary of the establishment of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo; Honorable Deputies, Ministers, leaders of the Judiciary and Independent Institutions; Honorable President Sejdiu and President Jahjaga; Honorable Ambassadors and representatives of international institutions; Honorable former-president of the Court, Mrs. Rama-Hajrizi and former-judges of the Constitution- al Court; Honorable mayors, representatives of institutions, civil society and media; Dear Mr. Fabius, President of the Constitutional Council of France; Honorable Presidents of the Constitutional and Supreme Courts of Belgium - Mr. Nihoul and Mr. Lavrysen; of Estonia - Mr. Kõve; the Netherlands - Mrs. De Groot; of Latvia - Mr. Laviņš; of Albania - Mrs. Zaçaj and Mr. Sadushi and of Turkey - Mr. Zühtü Arslan; Honorable judges of the Constitutional and Supreme Courts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Austria, Bulgaria, Ireland, Croatia, Lithuania, North Macedonia, Portugal and the United States of America – judge Tunheim; Honorable representatives of the European Court for Human Rights and the Venice Commission; Dear participants/Ladies and Gentlemen, Please allow me to begin by expressing my delight and deep gratitude for your presence. Your pres- ence in marking this anniversary of the Constitutional Court - honors us. The participation of dele- gations from all over the world reflects the respect for our Court and the unwavering solidarity and commitment of the Courts to cooperate in the protection of the common values. Today, symbolically, we mark the 14th anniversary of the Constitutional Court, established through a Constitution, which has crowned the sacrifice of entire generations for freedom and independence, but also the steadfast ideal of a nation for a state that reflects the values enshrined in the common tradition of democratic states. This Court, a symbol of an independent constitutional order, has been vested with the task of inter- preting and protecting this Constitution. The simultaneous establishment of the Republic and its Constitutional Court, has determined the role of the latter, which goes beyond the classical exercise 12 of its constitutional jurisdiction, having an inevitable role on the shaping and consolidating of Koso- vo’s state and international identity. Fourteen years ago, the first generation of Constitutional Court judges, took the responsibility to interpret a newly adopted Constitution of a newly established Republic. The dynamic context of a state-building has enabled this Court to have an essential role in determin- ing the dynamics of democratic development of Kosovo. The Court has struck the balance between (i) the vigor of a rapid institutional building of a young state; and (ii) the obligation to consolidate a social and institutional order based on the values that a new Constitution enshrined. As a result, today - in the first half of its second decade, the Court already has a remarkable history and a tremendously rich case-law. There are two characteristics that derive from this case-law that mark the unwavering role of the Constitutional Court in attaining the aspiration that the Constitu- tion embodies - for a state that stands proudly among the states of the European family. The first, pertains to the Court’s contribution to the protection and advancement of fundamental rights and freedoms throughout the consolidation of a state committed to the equality of all before the law. The Court has served as a bridge between the values reflected in the case-law of the Euro- pean Court of Human Rights and the rights and freedoms of all the citizens and communities of the Republic of Kosovo, with no distinction. Whereas the second, pertains to the valuable contribution of the Constitutional Court in consolidat- ing the principle of separation and balancing of powers in the constitutional order of the Republic of Kosovo. This because, democracy is only complete when the exercise of sovereignty is supported by the rule of law and the latter cannot exist without the necessary separation and interaction between the three independent powers. Dear participants, Taking into consideration the context of the state-building of Kosovo, including the challenge but also the advantage of building a new constitutional order, issues pertaining to the separation and interaction of powers, have been subject to the Court’s assessment continuously over the years. The Court has given its final word on a multitude of issues that involve the interaction between the branches of power, including but not limited to: (i) the procedures for the election and the role of President of the Republic; (ii) the establishment of institutions after the parliamentary elections, including the election of the Government after a vote of no-confidence; (iii) the oversight role of the Assembly in relation to the Government and the independent institutions; and (iv) limitations to the interaction between the local and central power. This decision-making by the Court, on some occasions, has resulted in signficant changes in the political dynamics – but also the transfer and/or the composition of the executive and legislative branches. All the political forces have honored these decisions, thus reflecting the unwavering com- mitment of the Republic to the state of law. 13 Having said that, the overwhelming case-law of the Court in the context of the separation and bal- ancing of powers pertains to the limits of exercising the competences of the executive and/or legis- lative branches in relation tothe judicial branch and/or constitutionally independent institutions. Taking into account the relatively recent history of the independence of the judicial branch and inde- pendent institutions, it is the latter that are exposed to a greater risk of possible infringement of their independence through the exercise of the competences of the other two branches, and this tendency is certainly not a characteristic of our Republic only. According to, among others, the Opinions of the Consultative Council of European Judges of the Council of Europe, during the last decades, the relationship between the three branches of govern- ment has been transformed (i) resulting into the reduction of the oversight function of the legislative branch over the executive one; while (ii) the increase in executive power has resulted in an increased number of disputes in the courts and this, in turn, has resulted in the chalenging of the legitimacy of the judicial power in the public discourse. Such a phenomenon, in the democracies with a less consolidated tradition, in defense of the basic values of democracy, has been counterbalanced by the supranational courts, namely the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union. Whereas in the Republic of Kosovo, has been counterbalanced by the Constitutional Court. The consistent persistence in defense of the separation and interaction of branches of power with an emphasis on the independence of the judicial branch, was maintained by the Court based on the principles stemming from the Constitution, but also the case-law of the two aforementioned courts. The jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, is a constitutional obligation; whereas the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice, coincides with the constitutional aspiration for member- ship in the European Union. Dear participants, The interaction between the branches of government does necessarily also reflect tension among them. This tension, which the Consultative Council of European Judges of the Council of Europe refers to as “creative tension”, reflects the fact that democracy in the Republic of Kosovo functions. The opposite, respectively, the absence of such tension, would mean that the respective branches are not exercising their respective interactive and/or oversight functions effectively, thereby infringing upon the maintenance of the proper constitutional balance. Having said that, this tension has, at times also been manifested through public attacks against the Constitutional Court but also other independent institutions. Such a public discourse is not unique to our Republic either. Its essence, although not articulated as such, reflects the theoretical level dis- cussion related to the counter-majoritarian difficulty argument which, in essence, entails the dilem- ma of the lack of legitimacy of the judicial branch and/or the Constitutional Courts - whose power does not stem directly from the people to review the laws and acts adopted by the elected represen- tatives of the people. 14 However, in democracies with a more consolidated constitutional tradition, this dilemma has been overcome and the position/counter-argument has prevailed, according to which the legitimacy of ju- dicial control in relation to other branches of power, stems from the Constitution... from loyality to it. Certainly, the constitutional legitimacy is inter-dependent with the functional legitimacy of judges and prosecutors, who are subject to the constitutional duty of self-restraint, professionalism and accountability, in excercising their function in defense of the Constitution and/or the law. On the contrary, the holders of judicial and prosecutorial powers themselves would be the ones to dimin- ish the authority of an entire branch of power to the detriment of the constitutional balance. These principles have been consistently emphasized by the Court, including the fact that the separation and interaction of branches of government does not mean their functioning in isolation, but rather based on the principle of constitutional loyalty, in support of each other, in order to ensure the proper func- tioning of constitutional order in a democratic society. Ladies and Gentlemen, Surely the public and theoretical debate, including critisim, which is an essential value of our consti- tutional order, regarding the source of democratic legitimacy of judicial and constitutional review, is valuable. Having said that, we must also remember that the theory of the separation and interaction of independent branches of power, is the only one that has stood the test of time and constitutes the foundation of liberal constitutional democracies. The latter, for almost three centuries, have remained faithful to the essence of the theory developed through the rarest minds of philosophical and political thought, including (i) the French thinker Montesquieu through “The Spirit of the Laws”; and (ii) Alexander Hamilton and James Madison through the Federalist Papers, according to which, essentially, civil and political liberties are effec- tive only through a system of separated and controlled branches of powers designed to prevent the concentration of power and/or the arbitrariness of each of them. Inspired also by Montesquieu, in one of the Federalist Papers (back in 1788), in a simplified but magnificent way, the essential question that has challenged and shaped the constitutional designs for centuries afterwards is reflected, and I quote as follows: “If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.” In the spirit of these concepts, stand among the oldest democratic orders in the World. In the spirit of these principles, lies the common denominator of the constitutional tradition of democratic states. On the principles of this heritage, stands the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo. It is the duty of the Constitutional Court to remain faithful to these values. The same duty belongs to all public authorities. The Constitution is also the collective commitment of all public authorities, in the name of the citizens, for a state that functions in accordance with the values embodied in the 15 first Constitution of this state which begins with the words - “We, the people of Kosovo”. The Court, always within the limitations stipulated by the Constitution but without taking into account the daily dynamics and developments, will remain faithful to these principles. Ladies and Gentlemen, Fourteen years after its establishment, the Constitutional Court, today stands dignified among the Constitutional Courts members of the World Conference on Constitutional Justice. The Court is one of the most active members of the Venice Commission Forum. Its jurisprudence is an additional guarantee and argument that Kosovo has its place among the member states of the Council of Eu- rope. The Court’s achievements, despite the challenges, are a reflection of the steadfast commitment of all generations of judges of the Constitutional Court. Surely, also of the endless support of peer con- stitutional courts from around the world, the deep cooperation with which is also reflected by their large participation in this ceremony, to which, on behalf of the Court, I once again express my deep gratitude. Your participation honors our Court. Your participation honors the Republic of Kosovo. Gratitude for cooperation and endless support should also be addressed to the Venice Commission and the Council of Europe, with whose support, the Court has established an extraordinary coopera- tion with the European Court of Human Rights. I am deeply convinced that, when our Republic takes its deserved place as a member of the Council of Europe, the case-law of the Constitutional Court will withstand the oversight filter of the European Court of Human Rights. Last, I express gratitude to the Embassies of friendly nations in the Republic of Kosovo and their agencies for international cooperation, which have generously supported our Court. Special gratitude to the Unites States of America and the Republic of France, two friends/states among many present here today, which today are represented by two honorable speakers (i) Federal Judge Tunheim, who has left his mark in the state-building of Kosovo, including through his support in the making of our Constitution; and (ii) President Fabius, the extraordinary support of whom has enriched our Court, including with the richness of the French constitutional tradition. Dear Friends, The Republic of Kosovo has been built through stories in which the pain meets the pride and resis- tance. But, above all, the Republic of Kosovo is a success story. Not only in terms of the historical state-building journey but also of the development of democracy. This success is necessarily, also a reflection of the support and strong partnership of friend nations of the Republic of Kosovo. 16 Having said this, democracy is a continuous process, which is subject to the test of commitment… the unwavering belief and commitment to a common idea that is reflected in the very preamble of the Constitution - the building of a Republic that is based on the common values of peace-loving nations in the world. To return to Montesquieu – there is no nation so powerful, as the one that obeys its laws not from principals of fear or reason, but from passion – from the commitment and respect for the state. Thanking you for your attention – on behalf of my colleague judges of the Constitutional Court: Dep- uty President Bajram Ljatifi and Judges Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, Safet Hoxha, Radomir Laban, Remzije Istrefi-Peci, Nexhmi Rexhepi and Enver Peci - we congratulate and celebrate together these fourteen years of tradition of constitutional justice in the Republic of Kosovo. Thank you! Gresa Caka-Nimani President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo 17 Allocution de Mme. Gresa Caka-Nimani, Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo Chers participants de la cérémonie marquant le 14e anniversaire de la création de la Cour Constitu- tionnelle de la République du Kosovo; Chers députés, ministres, dirigeants du pouvoir judiciaire et des institutions indépendantes; Chers Présidents Sejdiu et Jahjaga; Chers ambassadeurs et représentants des institutions internationales; Chère ancienne présidente de la Cour, Madame Rama-Hajrizi et anciens juges de la Cour Constitu- tionnelle; Chers maires, représentants des institutions, de la société civile et des médias; Cher Monsieur Fabius, Président du Conseil Constitutionnel de France; Chers Présidents des Cours Constitutionnelles et Suprêmes de Belgique -M. Nihoul et M. Lavrysen, d’Estonie - M. Kõve, des Pays-Bas - Mme. De Groot, de Lettonie - M. Laviņš, d’Albanie - Mme Zaçaj et M.Sadushi; et de Turquie - M. Zühtü Arslan; Chers Juges des Cours Constitutionnelles et Suprêmes de Bosnie-Herzégovine, d’Autriche, de Bulga- rie, d’Irlande, de Croatie, de Lituanie, de Macédoine du Nord, du Portugal et des États-Unis d’Amé- rique, cher juge Tunheim; Chers représentants de la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme et de la Commission de Venise; Chers participants/Mesdames et Messieurs, Permettez-moi d’abord de vous exprimer mon immense plaisir et ma profonde gratitude pour votre présence. Votre présence à l’occasion de cet anniversaire de la Cour Constitutionnelle nous honore. La participation de délégations du monde entier reflète le respect pour notre Cour; et la solidarité ainsi que l’engagement assuré des Cours à coopérer à la protection des valeurs communes. Aujourd’hui, symboliquement, nous marquons le 14e anniversaire de la Cour Constitutionnelle, éta- blie par une Constitution qui a couronné le sacrifice de générations entières pour la liberté et l’indé- pendance, mais aussi l’idéal inébranlable d’un peuple pour un État de droit fondé sur des valeurs qui reflètent la tradition commune des états démocratiques. Cette Cour, symbole d’un ordre constitutionnel indépendant est chargée du devoir d’interprétation et de protection de cette Constitution. La création simultanée de la République et de sa Cour Consti- tutionnelle a déterminé le rôle de cette dernière qui va au-delà de l’exercice classique de juridiction 18 constitutionnelle, en y incluant inévitablement la configuration et la consolidation de l’identité na- tionale et internationale du Kosovo. Il y a quatorze ans, la première génération des juges de la Cour Constitutionnelle s’engageait à inter- préter une Constitution nouvellement adoptée d’une République nouvellement créée. Le contexte dynamique de construction de l’état a permis à cette Cour de jouer un rôle essentiel dans la détermination de la dynamique du développement démocratique du Kosovo. La Cour a maintenu l’équilibre entre (i) la précipitation d’une construction institutionnelle rapide d’un nouvel État; et (ii) l’obligation de consolider un ordre social et institutionnel basé sur les valeurs incluses dans une nouvelle Constitution. De ce fait, aujourd’hui, dans la première moitié de sa deuxième décennie, la Cour dispose déjà d’une histoire extraordinaire et d’une pratique judiciaire particulièrement riche. Les deux caractéristiques suivantes découlent de cette pratique judiciaire et marquent le rôle assidu de la Cour Constitutionnelle dans la réalisation de l’aspiration qu’incarne la Constitution -pour un État qui se maintient digne parmi les États de la famille européenne. La première est liée à la contribution de la Cour à la protection et à la promotion des droits et libertés fondamentaux lors de la consolidation d’un État qui s’est engagé pour l’égalité de tous devant la loi. La Cour a servi de pont entre les valeurs reflétées dans la pratique judiciaire de la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme et les droits et libertés, de tous les citoyens et de toutes les communautés de la République, sans aucune distinction. La seconde concerne la précieuse contribution de la Cour Constitutionnelle à la consolidation du principe de séparation et d’équilibre des pouvoirs dans l’ordre constitutionnel de la République du Kosovo. En effet, la démocratie n’est entière que lorsque l’exercice de la souveraineté est soutenu par l’État de droit et celui-ci ne peut exister sans la séparation et l’interaction nécessaires entre les trois pouvoirs indépendants. Chers participants, Compte tenu du contexte de la construction de l’État du Kosovo, y compris du défi mais aussi de la priorité de la création d’un nouvel ordre constitutionnel, les questions liées à la séparation et à l’in- teraction des pouvoirs ont fait l’objet d’une appréciation continue de la Cour au cours des dernières années. Elle a exprimé son dernier mot sur une multitude de questions impliquant l’interaction entre les pouvoirs, y compris, mais sans s’y limiter dans (i) les procédures d’élection et le rôle du Président de la République; (ii) la constitution des institutions après les élections législatives, y compris le vote du Gouvernement après la motion de censure; (iii) le rôle de supervision de l’Assemblée à l’égard du Gouvernement et des institutions indépendantes ; et (iv) les limites de l’interaction entre le pouvoir local et central. 19 Ces décisions de la Cour ont, dans certains cas, entraîné des changements radicaux dans la dyna- mique politique, mais aussi le transfert et/ou la composition du pouvoir exécutif et législatif. Toutes les forces politiques ont respecté ces décisions, reflétant ainsi l’engagement solide de la République en faveur de l’État de droit. Cela dit, la pratique judiciaire prédominante de la Cour dans le contexte de la séparation et de l’équi- libre des pouvoirs est liée aux limites de l’exercice des compétences des pouvoirs exécutifs et/ou législatifs par rapport au judiciaire et/ou aux institutions constitutionnelles indépendantes. Compte tenu de l’histoire relativement récente de l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire et des insti- tutions indépendantes, ce sont ces derniers qui sont exposés au plus grand risque de manquement à leur indépendance par l’exercice des compétences des deux autres pouvoirs, et cette tendance ne caractérise certainement pas uniquement notre République. Selon, entre autres, les Avis du Conseil Consultatif des Juges Européens du Conseil de l’Europe, au cours des dernières décennies, les relations entre les trois pouvoirs se sont transformées, (i) entraî- nant une réduction de la fonction de contrôle du pouvoir législatif sur le pouvoir exécutif; tandis que (ii) l’augmentation des compétences exécutives a entraîné une augmentation du nombre de litiges devant les tribunaux et cela a, d’autre part, abouti à la contestation de la légitimité du pouvoir judi- ciaire dans le discours public. Une telle tendance, dans les démocraties de tradition moins consolidée, dans la protection des va- leurs fondamentales de la démocratie a été contrebalancée par les juridictions à caractère suprana- tional, à savoir la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme et la Cour de Justice de l’Union Euro- péenne. Or, dans la République du Kosovo, elle a été contrebalancée par la Cour Constitutionnelle. La Cour a préservé la stabilité dans la protection de la séparation, de l’indépendance mais aussi de l’interaction des pouvoirs en mettant l’accent sur l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire, en se basant sur les principes issus de la Constitution, mais aussi de la pratique judiciaire des deux Cours susmen- tionnées. La pratique judiciaire de la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme est une obligation constitutionnelle; tandis que la pratique judiciaire de la Cour de Justice coïncide avec l’aspiration constitutionnelle à l’adhésion à l’Union Européenne. Chers participants, L’interaction entre les pouvoirs reflète nécessairement la tension qui les oppose. Cette tension, que le Conseil Consultatif des Juges Européens du Conseil de l’Europe qualifie de « tension créatrice », reflète le fait que la démocratie dans la République du Kosovo fonctionne. Le contraire, respective- ment l’absence d’une telle tension, signifierait que les pouvoirs ne jouent pas la fonction interactive et/ou de supervision de manière efficace, nuisant ainsi au maintien du bon équilibre constitutionnel. Cela dit, cette tension s’est maintes fois manifestée par des attaques publiques contre la Cour Consti- tutionnelle, mais aussi d’autres institutions indépendantes. Un tel discours public ne caractérise pas uniquement notre République. Le fond de celui-ci reflète, bien qu’il ne soit pas articulé en tant que tel, la discussion au niveau théorique liée à l’argument contrebalançant de la majorité, lequel, 20 en substance, soulève le dilemme du manque de légitimité du pouvoir judiciaire et/ou des Cours Constitutionnelles - dont le pouvoir ne découle pas directement du peuple pour apprécier les lois et les actes adoptés par les représentants élus du peuple. Cependant, dans les démocraties de tradition constitutionnelle plus consolidée, ce dilemme est dépassé et prévaut la position/le contre-argument selon lesquels la légitimité du contrôle judiciaire par rapport aux deux autres pouvoirs découle de la Constitution... de la loyauté envers elle. Bien entendu, la légitimité constitutionnelle du contrôle judiciaire est dépendante de la légitimité fonctionnelle des juges et des procureurs, qui sont soumis à l’obligation constitutionnelle d’imper- turbabilité, de professionnalisme, de responsabilité, dans l’exercice de leur fonction de protection de la Constitution et/ou de la loi. Dans le cas contraire, ce sont les détenteurs du pouvoir judiciaire et du système de poursuite judiciaire eux-mêmes qui enfreindraient l’autorité de tout un pouvoir au détri- ment de l’équilibre constitutionnel. La Cour a continuellement souligné ces principes, notamment le fait que la séparation et l’interaction des pouvoirs ne signifient pas leur fonctionnement isolé, mais fondé sur le principe de loyauté constitutionnelle, en se soutenant mutuellement, pour assurer le bon fonctionnement de l’ordre constitutionnel dans une société démocratique. Mesdames et Messieurs, Bien entendu, le débat public et théorique, comprenant la critique, valeur primordiale de notre ordre constitutionnel, sur la source de la légitimité démocratique du contrôle judiciaire et constitutionnel est précieux. Cela dit, il faut également rappeler que la théorie de la séparation et de l’interaction des pouvoirs indépendants est la seule qui ait résisté à l’épreuve du temps et qui constitue le fondement des démocraties constitutionnelles libérales. Celles-ci, depuis près de trois siècles, sont restées fidèles à l’essence de la théorie développée par les es- prits les plus érudits de la pensée philosophique et politique, parmi lesquels (i) le philosophe français Montesquieu dans l’Esprit des Lois; et (ii) Alexander Hamilton et James Madison dans les Papiers Fédé- ralistes selon lesquels les libertés civiles et politiques ne sont efficaces qu’à travers un système de pouvoirs séparés et contrôlés pour empêcher la concentration du pouvoir et/ou l’arbitraire dans chacun d’eux. Également inspirée par Montesquieu, dans une des Lettres fédéralistes, (déjà en 1788), se reflète d›une manière simplifiée mais imposante la question fondamentale qui a remis en question et façonné les modèles constitutionnels pendant des siècles et je cite comme suit: “Si les hommes étaient des anges, il n’y aurait besoin d’aucun gouvernement. Si les anges devaient gouverner les hommes, il n’y aurait besoin d’aucun contrôle externe ou interne sur le gouverne- ment. La grande difficulté, s’agissant d’élaborer un gouvernement qui doit être administré par des hommes sur des hommes est la suivante: il faut d’abord habiliter le gouvernement à contrôler les gouvernés et ensuite l’obliger à se contrôler lui-même.” Les ordres démocratiques parmi les plus anciens du monde reposent sur l’esprit de ces concepts. Le dénominateur commun de la tradition constitutionnelle des états démocratiques repose sur l’esprit de ces principes. La Constitution de la République du Kosovo repose sur les principes de cet héritage. 21 Il est du devoir de la Cour Constitutionnelle de rester fidèle à ces valeurs. Le même devoir incombe à toutes les autorités publiques. La Constitution est aussi l’engagement collectif de toutes les autorités publiques, au nom des citoyens, pour un État de droit conforme aux valeurs incarnées dans la pre- mière Constitution de cet État qui commence par l’expression “Nous, peuple du Kosovo”. La Cour, toujours dans les limites fixées par la Constitution mais sans tenir compte des dynamiques et des évènements quotidiens, restera fidèle à ces principes. Mesdames et Messieurs, Quatorze ans après sa création, la Cour Constitutionnelle demeure aujourd’hui digne parmi les Cours Constitutionnelles membres de la Conférence Mondiale de la Justice Constitutionnelle. Elle est l’un des membres les plus actifs du Forum de la Commission de Venise. Sa pratique judiciaire est une garantie et un argument complémentaires que le Kosovo a sa place parmi les États membres du Conseil de l’Europe. Ses réalisations, malgré les défis, reflètent l’engagement inaltérable de toutes les générations de juges de la Cour Constitutionnelle. Certainement, aussi le soutien sans réserve des Cours Constitu- tionnelles du monde entier dont la vaste coopération se reflète également dans l’importante partici- pation à cette cérémonie, pour laquelle, au nom de la Cour, j’exprime une fois de plus ma profonde gratitude. Votre participation fait honneur à notre Cour. Votre participation honore la République du Kosovo. Un remerciement pour leur coopération et leur soutien sans faille doit être adressé à la Commis- sion de Venise et au Conseil de l’Europe, avec le soutien desquels la Cour a établi une coopération extraordinaire avec la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme. Je suis profondément convaincue que, lorsque notre République occupera la place qu’elle mérite en tant que membre du Conseil de l’Europe, la pratique judiciaire de la Cour Constitutionnelle se mesurera au filtre de surveillance de la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme. Enfin, merci aux Ambassades des pays amis de la République du Kosovo et à leurs services de coopé- ration internationale qui ont soutenu sans réserve notre Cour. Une gratitude particulière pour les Etats-Unis d’Amérique et la République fançaise, deux états amis, parmi beaucoup d’autres présents ici aujourd’hui, et qui sont représentés aujourd’hui par deux locu- teurs très respectables: (i) le juge fédéral Tunheim, qui a laissé son empreinte dans l’ édification du Kosovo, entre autres par son soutien à la Commission Constitutionnelle pour la rédaction de notre Constitution; et (ii) le président Fabius dont le soutien sans faille a exalté notre Cour entre autres de la richesse de la tradition précieuse constitutionnelle française. 22 Chers amis, La République du Kosovo s’est construite à travers des histoires dans lesquelles la douleur se tisse avec la fierté et la résistance. Mais, avant tout, la République du Kosovo est une réussite, non seulement en termes de parcours historique de construction de l’État, mais aussi de développement de la démocratie. Ce succès reflète aussi certainement le soutien inéluctable des pays amis de la République du Kosovo. Cela dit, la démocratie est un processus continuel, soumis à l’épreuve de l’engagement... de la pa- tience, de la foi imperturbable en une idée commune que décrit le préambule même de la Constitu- tion – la création d’une République basée sur les valeurs communes des pays épris de paix dans le monde. Pour revenir encore une fois à Montesquieu- il n y a pas de peuple plus puissant que celui qui res- pecte les lois, non par raison ou par peur - mais par passion- par engagement et respect de l’Etat. En vous remerciant de votre attention, au nom de mes collègues juges de la Cour Constitutionnelle- le vice-président Bajram Latifi et les juges Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, Safet Hoxha, Radomir Laban, Remzije Istrefi-Peci, Nexhmi Rexhepi et Enver Peci -je vous souhaite nos meilleurs voeux et vous in- vite à célébrer ensemble ces quatorze années de tradition de justice constitutionnelle en République du Kosovo. Je vous remercie! Gresa Caka-Nimani Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo 23  Fjala e z. John R. Tunheim, Gjyqtar Federal i Shteteve të Bashkuara dhe Këshill- tari Kryesor i Shteteve të Bashkuara në mbështetje të procesit të krijimit të Kushtetutës së Republikës së Kosovës Obraćanje g. Johna R. Tunheima, saveznog sudije Sjedinjenih Država i glavnog savet- nika Sjedinjenih Država, koji je podržavao proces donošenja Ustava Republike Kosovo Address by Mr. John R. Tunheim, United States Federal Judge and the Lead United States Advisor supporting the constitution-making process of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo Allocution de M. John R. Tunheim, Juge fédéral des États-Unis et conseiller principal des États-Unis ayant soutenu le processus d’élaboration de la Constitution de la République du Kosovo Fjala e z. John R. Tunheim, Gjyqtar Federal i Shteteve të Bashkuara dhe Këshilltari Kryesor i Shteteve të Bashkuara në mbështetje të procesit të krijimit të Kushtetutës së Republikës së Kosovës F aleminderit zonja Kryetare. Është një nder i madh që më është kërkuar të flas sot me rastin e veçantë të Vitit të 14-të Gjyqësor të Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës. Një mirë- seardhje e ngrohtë për të gjithë anëtarët dhe ish-anëtarët e Gjykatës Kushtetuese, për ish-Presi- dentët e Republikës, të nderuar Ambasadorë dhe një mirëseardhje e veçantë për delegacionet dhe vizitorët ndërkombëtarë këtu me ne. Faleminderit të gjithëve që erdhët. Sot ne festojmë një arritje të jashtëzakonshme – Kushtetutën e Kosovës dhe Gjykatën që e ka inter- pretuar me aq besnikëri dhe guxim atë dokument që nga pavarësia në vitin 2008. Ka qenë një nga privilegjet e mëdha të jetës sime që kam qenë i përfshirë kaq shumë në zhvillimin e sistemit juridik në Kosovë, këtu në zemër të Evropës. Vizita ime e parë ishte në dimrin e ftohtë të viteve 1999-2000, kur shkatërrimet mizore dhe çn- jerëzore të luftës ishin të dukshme kudo. Po, unë solla një çantë gjumi dhe më duhej çdo natë. Detyra 24 jonë ishte të ndihmonim Kombet e Bashkuara të rifillonte një sistem ligjor që ishte shkatërruar si shumë institucione. Çuditërisht, një nga shumë pyetjet e vështira ishte se cili ligj duhet të jetë në fuqi në Kosovë? Disa prej jush do të kujtojnë udhëtimet tona të gjata në tërë territorin dhe programin “Fillimi i Shpejtë” që rezultoi, i cili ringjalli Kosovën dhe sundimin e ligjit. Mbikëqyrja e zgjedhjeve të para të lira në vjeshtën e vitit 2000 ishte një përvojë e jashtëzakonshme. Jam kthyer shumë herë gjatë viteve, duke hartuar kode, duke vlerësuar progresin e gjyqësorit, duke sjellë gjyqtarë amerikanë të punojnë në sistemin ndërkombëtar të gjyqtarëve, vetëm duke dhënë këshilla dhe duke punuar në shumë çështje të sundimit të ligjit, të shumta për t’u përmendur sot. Ndihem se si Kosova është bërë një shtëpi e dytë për mua gjatë këtyre më shumë se pesëdhjetë vizitave. Është e mrekullueshme të shihet ndryshimi gjatë këtij çerek shekulli progresi. Ne e filluam krijimin e Kushtetutës së Kosovës me shpresat dhe ëndrrat për një dokument themelor që do të rivalizonte çdo demokraci perëndimore në mbrojtjen e të drejtave të njeriut, në mbështetjen e saj për sundimin e ligjit dhe në krijimin e një republike moderne parlamentare. Triumfi përfun- dimtar i shpresës mbi frikën. Shkurtimisht, qëllimi ishte të propozohej një kushtetutë moderne që do të ndihmonte në fshirjen e historisë së fundit të luftës dhe dhunës etnike dhe të mishëronte madhështitë e sundimit të ligjit. Dhe më e rëndësishmja, qëllimi ishte t’i dëshmohej botës se Kosova ishte e gatshme për pavarësi dhe mund të ishte një vend i gatshëm për të mbrojtur të gjithë qytetarët e saj. Zonja Kryetare, e cila në atë kohë ishte këshilltare e lartë në USAID organizoi shumë nga punët e nevojshme për të zhvilluar një Kushtetutë. Profesorja Warren dhe Profesori Aucoin, të cilët janë këtu sot, ishin me të vërtetë anëtarë të rëndësishëm të ekipit. Filluam duke identifikuar kërkesat themelore që priten nga Bashkimi Evropian, nga Komisioni i Ve- necias dhe nga korniza e mëparshme e Ahtisaarit për paqen që doli nga Bisedimet e Vjenës. Një Komision Kushtetues shumë-etnik, shumë­partiak, i mençur dhe i arsyeshëm, disa prej të cilëve janë sot këtu, u caktua për të marrë vendime të rëndësishme dhe për të udhëhequr përpjekjet e har- timit. Znj. Kelmendi dhe z. Kuçi u treguan liderë të shquar. Dhe kjo ishte punë e vështirë. Edhe pse bota ofron shumë shembuj të mirë, një kushtetutë duhet të përfshijë jo vetëm marrëveshjet ndërkombëtare, por edhe të pasqyrojë kulturën dhe normat e vendit. Historia është e rëndësishme dhe njerëzit që do të qeverisen duhet të pranojnë kushtet e qeverisjes. Kjo nuk ishte një detyrë e lehtë sidomos kur në fazat e hershme nuk mund të konsultohej me publikun. Një bllokim i parashikueshëm ndodhi në verë, kur anëtarët e Komisionit nuk arritën të pajtohen lidhur me çështjen e rëndësishme se si të ndahen pushtetet midis një presidenti dhe një kryem- inistri. Dikush sugjeroi se duhej të sillnim diplomatin veteran Richard Holbrooke për të ndërm- jetësuar. Por kjo nuk ishte e nevojshme - përkundrazi, me ndihmën e shefes së misionit amerikan, Tina Kaidanow, Gresa dhe unë kaluam një javë intensive duke negociuar një marrëveshje kritike për ndarjen e pushtetit midis liderëve politikë që i hapi rrugën komisionit për të hartuar pjesë të Kushte- tutës së propozuar. Ish-presidenti Sejdiu luajti një rol shumë të rëndësishëm në këtë marrëveshje. 25 Një konferencë e madhe në vjeshtë pranë Mitrovicës nxori në pah detajet dhe ne u siguruam që for- mulimi përfundimtar të ishte shumë i saktë – në secilën nga gjuhët e Kosovës. Kushtetuta ishte thelbësore për atë që erdhi më pas, Deklaratën konsekuente të Pavarësisë më 17 shkurt 2008. Kuvendi e ratifikoi shpejt Kushtetutën, pas një ceremonie emocionale festive të nën- shkrimit gjatë së cilës anëtarët e Komisionit paraqitën rekomandimet e tyre për liderët e Kosovës, më pak se një vit pasi procesi kishte filluar. Ëndrra e kahershme e pavarësisë u bë realitet dhe një Kushtetutë vizionare ishte në fuqi për të udhëhequr vendin e ri. Dua të përshëndes për një moment Kushtetutën e Kosovës sepse është një dokument i jashtëzakon- shëm që pasqyron idealet kushtetuese të njohura në mbarë botën. Ajo inkorporon plotësisht dispozitat e tetë pakteve ndërkombëtare për të drejtat e njeriut dhe u jep mbrojtje dhe të drejta shumë të rëndësishme vetëqeverisëse popullatës joshumicë të Kosovës. Këtu janë të pranishme konceptet e federalizmit, ndarjes së pushtetit midis qeverisë qendrore dhe rajo- nale, një vlerë e rëndësishme. Mbrojtja kushtetuese ndaj trajtimit diskriminues është e gjerë dhe barazia është e garantuar për të gjithë. Këto mbrojtje duhet të interpretohen në përputhje me vendimet e Gjykatës Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut. Të drejtat e njeriut janë një nga vlerat më të rëndësishme që vendet duhet të sig- urojnë në kushtetutat ose dokumentet e tyre themelore – dhe garancitë e barazisë së Kosovës janë po aq të forta sa të gjitha në botë. Në mesin e shumë neneve të saj që adresojnë të drejtat e njeriut dhe dinjitetin njerëzor, Kushtetuta e Kosovës garanton të drejtën për arsimim falas, të drejtën e fortë të privatësisë, lirinë fetare, aka- demike dhe mediatike dhe të drejtën për punë. Dokumenti përfshin gjithashtu dispozita të rëndë- sishme dhe specifike kundër torturës ose trajtimit poshtërues. Një dispozitë unike dhe veçanërisht vizionare kërkon që njësitë qeveritare të marrin parasysh ndikimin mjedisor të të gjitha vendimeve – më e rëndësishme sot me ndryshimin e klimës mbi ne. Po aq e rëndësishme në panteonin e madh të vlerave tona të përbashkëta kushtetuese është sundimi i ligjit. Dhe një nga detyrat më të rëndësishme të një gjykate kushtetuese është të mbrojë sundimin e ligjit. Gjykata Kushtetuese e Kosovës është plotësisht e autorizuar për të interpretuar Kushtetutën dhe për t’u siguruar se vendimet e saj janë të detyrueshme për qeverinë dhe gjyqësorin dhe për të gjithë personat dhe institucionet në Kosovë. E pranoj plotësisht hartimin e versionit përfundimtar të nenit 116, sepse doja të bëja shumë të qartë se vendimet e gjykatave kushtetuese janë përfundimtare dhe më tej, se parimi i artikuluar në një vendim të gjykatës kushtetuese është një precedent për vendimet e ardhshme. Për këtë, nuk duhet të ketë asnjë dyshim dhe Komisioni u pajtua menjëherë. Dhe krahas gjykatës, u krijua edhe gjyqësori shumë i pavarur për të zbatuar plotësisht ligjet e vendit. Një gjyqësor i pavarur është themeli i sundimit të ligjit – pavarësia strukturore dhe vendimtare. Pa një gjyqë- sor të pavarur, nuk mund të mbahen premtimet për sundim të ligjit. 26 Dhe, falë Kushtetutës, Kosova ka një demokraci parlamentare moderne të stilit evropian me dispozi- ta që synojnë të shmangin ngërçet e gjata. Një pjesë e gjeniut të shkrimit të kushtetutës është para- shikimi i problemeve të mundshme që i pengojnë qeverisjes së mirë. Ne po shohim probleme të tilla në ngecjen aktuale se kush do të bëhet kryetari i ardhshëm në Dhomën tonë të Përfaqësuesve. Nuk mund të parashikohen plotësisht të gjitha çështjet e ardhshme, por mendoj se Kushtetuta e Kosovës është afër. Dhe duke folur për demokracinë, e drejta e votës është e gjerë dhe gjithëpërfshirëse, duke mundësu- ar pjesëmarrjen e plotë të qytetarëve në procesin e vendimmarrjes përmes zgjedhjeve të lira dhe të ndershme. Të integruara në këtë Kushtetutë janë më shumë koncepte të stilit amerikan të ndarjes së pushteteve dhe kontrolleve dhe ekuilibrave. Këto dispozita i japin secilës degë të qeverisë aftësinë për të kufizuar kom- petencat e degëve të tjera, duke siguruar llogaridhënie dhe fuqizuar popullsitë e pakicave. Kompetencat ekzekutive ndahen mes Presidentit dhe Kryeministrit, nuk mund të pezullohet parimi i kontrollit civil të ushtrisë dhe policisë dhe kompetencat emergjente ndahen. Këto janë ideale klasike që pengojnë përqen- drimin e pushtetit që shpesh kanë qenë dhe vazhdojnë të jenë shkatërruese për botën tonë. Po, Kushtetuta e Kosovës është një dokument i jashtëzakonshëm, po aq vizionar sot sa ishte kur u ratifikua në vitin 2008. Por të mbash një demokraci të prekshme dhe të gjallë është punë e vështirë – shumë më e vështirë se hartimi i një kushtetute. Vigjilenca kërkohet çdo ditë - pa përjashtim. Një nga themeluesit e Amerikës, Benjamin Franklin, me daljen e Konventës Kushtetuese në Filadel- fia në 1787, u pyet se çfarë lloj qeverie kishin krijuar delegatët. Përgjigja e tij? “Një republikë, zotëri, nëse mund ta mbani atë.” Kjo, miqtë e mi, është sfida e madhe e një demokracie dhe sundimit të ligjit... ruajtja e saj. Gjykata Kushtetuese e Kosovës, për mendimin tim, ka bërë punë të jashtëzakonshme në 14 vitet e saj. Të jesh interpretues origjinal i një Kushtetute – duke vepruar pa precedentë – nuk është e lehtë. Pavarësisht ndryshimeve të shpeshta në përbërje dhe vonesave fatkeqe në emërimin e anëtarëve të rinj, Gjykata ka qenë një interpretues besnik dhe i guximshëm i fjalëve të Kushtetutës, një fener i ndritshëm në rrugën përpara. Dhe me të vërtetë, një ndërtues i respektit publik për sundimin e ligjit - thelbësor për “mbajtjen e tij”. Puna e Gjykatës, përmes udhëheqjes së Kryetarit Enver Hasani, Kryetares Arta Rama dhe tani Kryetares Caka-Nimani, është frymëzuar dhe ka ndihmuar në vendosjen e rrugës së Kosovës drejt një të ardhmeje solide dhe të sigurt. Gjykata me siguri ka ndihmuar në “mbajtjen” e kësaj republike sipas fjalëve të Franklin. Dhe sundimi i ligjit, siç duhet, ka çuar në prosperitet dhe rritje ekonomike. Ka qenë privilegji im të punoj me Gjykatën në miratimin dhe rishikimet të rregullores së saj të punës dhe në proces, të shikoj punën e Gjykatës nga afër, duke zgjidhur shumë çështje të vështira me të cilat përballet ky vend ende shumë i ri. 27 Ne festojmë sot punën e jashtëzakonshme të kësaj Gjykate, ashtu siç festojmë dokumentin vizionar që për Kosovën është mishërim i shkruar i sundimit të ligjit. E festojmë edhe punën e Komisionit që udhëhoqi hartimin e kushtetutës. E dini, unë shpesh e mbaj me vete këtë Kushtetutë me madhësi xhepi. Më kujton se çfarë është e mirë në këtë botë dhe çfarë nevojitet për të luftuar të keqen në kaq shumë vende. Dhe shpresoj që në vitet që vijnë kur të shkruhet historia e fillimeve të kësaj republike në zemër të Evropës, kjo Kushtetutë dhe kjo Gjykatë të konsiderohen si themeli i fortë që e bënë Kosovën një histori suksesi. Kosova ka bërë një rrugë të gjatë që nga ai dimër i ftohtë dhe i dëshpëruar i vitit 1999. Një arsye e madhe për këtë përparim të jashtëzakonshëm ka qenë sundimi i ligjit dhe përkushtimi ndaj të dre- jtave të njeriut për të gjithë. Premtimet që janë të përcaktuara në Kushtetutë dhe të mundësuara nga përkushtimi i Gjykatës Kushtetuese. Ato së bashku janë shpirti i Kosovës. Ka shumë më tepër punë për të bërë, por rruga përpara është e qartë dhe e ndritshme. Një republikë, zotëri, nëse mund ta ruani. Le ta mbajmë. Faleminderit shumë! John R. Tunheim Gjyqtar Federal i Shteteve të Bashkuara dhe Këshilltari Kryesor i Shteteve të Bashkuara në mbështetje të procesit të krijimit të Kushtetutës së Republikës së Kosovës 28 Obraćanje g. Johna R. Tunheima, saveznog sudije Sjedinjenih Država i glavnog savetnika Sjedinjenih Država, koji je podržavao proces donošenja Ustava Republike Kosovo H vala, gospođo predsednice. Velika mi je čast što sam zamoljen da danas govorim povodom 14. sudske godine Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo. Srdačna dobrodošlica svim članovima i bivšim članovima Ustavnog suda, bivšim predsednicima Republike, uvaženim ambasadorima, i posebna dobro- došlica međunarodnim delegacijama i posetiocima koji su ovde sa nama. Hvala svima što ste došli. Danas slavimo izuzetno dostignuće — Ustav Kosova i Sud koji je tako verno i hrabro tumačio taj do- kument od nezavisnosti 2008. godine. Bila je jedna od velikih privilegija u mom životu što sam bio uključen u razvoj tolikog dela pravnog sistema na Kosovu, ovde u srcu Evrope. Moja prva poseta je bila hladne zime 1999-2000, kada su okrutna i nehumana ratna razaranja bila oči- gledna svuda. Da, poneo sam vreću za spavanje i bila mi je potrebna svake noći. Naš zadatak je bio da pomognemo Ujedinjenim nacijama da ponovo pokrenu pravni sistem koji je bio uništen poput mnogih institucija. Začudo, jedno od mnogih teških pitanja je bilo koji zakon treba da bude na snazi na Kosovu? Neki od vas će se setiti naših dugih putovanja širom teritorije i rezultirajućeg programa „Brzi početak“ koji je ponovo oživeo Kosovo i vladavinu zakona. Nadgledanje prvih slobodnih izbora u jesen 2000. godine bilo je neverovatno iskustvo. Vraćao sam se mnogo puta tokom godina, praveći nacrte kodeksa, procenjujući napredak pravosuđa, dovodeći američke sudije da rade u međunarodnom sudijskom sistemu, samo dajući savete i radeći na mnogim pitanjima vladavine prava koja su previše brojna da bih ih danas pominjao. Osećam se kao da mi je Kosovo postalo drugi dom tokom ovih više od pedeset poseta. Izvanredno je videti promenu tokom ovih četvrt veka napretka. Kreiranje Ustava Kosova smo započeli sa nadama i snovima o temeljnom dokumentu koji bi parirao svakoj zapadnoj demokratiji u zaštiti ljudskih prava, u podršci vladavini prava i stvaranju moderne parlamentarne republike. Krajnji trijumf nade nad strahom. Ukratko, cilj je bio da se predloži moderan ustav koji bi pomogao da se zbriše nedavna istorija rata i etničkog nasilja i otelotvore veliki ideali vladavine prava. I što je najvažnije, cilj je bio da se svetu dokaže da je Kosovo spremno za nezavisnost i da može biti zemlja spremna da zaštiti sve svoje građane. 29 Gospođa predsednica, koja je tada bila viši savetnik u USAID-u, organizovala je veliki deo posla po- trebnog za izradu Ustava. Profesor Warren i profesor Aucoin, koji su danas ovde, bili su zaista, zaista važni članovi tima. Počeli smo tako što smo identifikovali temeljne zahteve koje očekuju Evropska unija, Venecijanska komisija i raniji Ahtisarijev okvir za mir koji je proistekao iz pregovora u Beču. Mudra i razumna višeetička, višestranačka Ustavna komisija, od kojih su neki danas ovde, imeno- vana je da donosi važne odluke i vodi rad na izradi nacrta. Gospođa Keljmendi i gospodin Kuči su se pokazali kao izvanredni lideri. A ovo je bio težak posao. Iako svet pruža mnogo dobrih primera, ustav mora da obuhvata ne samo međunarodne sporazume, već i da odražava lokalnu kulturu i norme. Istorija je važna i ljudi kojima će se upravljati moraju prihvatiti uslove upravljanja. Ovo nije bio lak zadatak, posebno kada se u ranim fazama nije mogla konsultovati javnost. Do predvidljivog ćorsokaka je došlo leta kada članovi Komisije nisu mogli da se slože oko važnog pitan- ja kako podeliti ovlašćenja između predsednika i premijera. Neko je sugerisao da moramo da dovede- mo veterana diplomatu Ričarda Holbruka da posreduje. Ali to nije bilo neophodno — umesto toga, uz pomoć američke šefice misije Tine Kajdanov, Gresa i ja smo proveli intenzivnu nedelju pregovarajući o ključnom sporazumu o podeli vlasti među političkim liderima koji je utro put komisiji da izradi delove predloženog ustava. Bivši predsednik Sejdiu je odigrao veoma važnu ulogu u ovom sporazumu. Velika jesenja konferencija u blizini Mitrovice razjasnila je detalje i pobrinuli smo se da konačna formulacija bude veoma precizna — na svakom od kosovskih jezika. Ustav je bio od suštinskog značaja za ono što je usledilo, posledičnu Deklaraciju nezavisnosti 17. februara 2008. godine. Skupština je brzo ratifikovala Ustav, nakon emotivne slavljeničke ceremo- nije potpisivanja tokom koje su članovi Komisije izneli svoje preporuke kosovskim liderima, manje od godinu dana nakon što je proces započet. Dugogodišnji san o nezavisnosti je postao stvarnost, a vizionarski Ustav je bio na mestu da vodi novu zemlju. Želim da na trenutak pozdravim Ustav Kosova, jer je to izuzetan dokument koji odražava ustavne ideale priznate u celom svetu. On u potpunosti uključuje odredbe osam međunarodnih konvencija o ljudskim pravima i daje veoma značajnu zaštitu i prava na samoupravu nevećinskom stanovništvu Kosova. Ovde su prisutni koncepti federalizma, podela vlasti između centralne i regionalne vlade, što je važna vrednost. Ustavna zaštita od diskriminatornog tretmana je široka i jednakost je zagarantovana za sve. Ove zaštite treba tumačiti u skladu sa odlukama Evropskog suda za ljudska prava. Ljudska prava su jed- na od najvažnijih vrednosti koje zemlje moraju da unesu u svoje ustave ili temeljna dokumenta — a kosovske garancije jednakosti su jake kao i bilo koje druge u svetu. Među brojnim članovima koji se bave ljudskim pravima i ljudskim dostojanstvom, Ustav Kosova daje pravo na besplatno obrazovanje, snažno pravo na privatnost, versku, akademsku i slobodu medija i pravo na rad. Dokument takođe uključuje značajne i posebne odredbe protiv torture ili ponižavajućeg 30 postupanja. Jedinstvena i posebno vizionarska odredba zahteva od državnih organa da uzmu u obzir uticaj svih odluka na životnu sredinu – što je danas važnije kada su klimatske promene pred nama. Jednako važna u velikom panteonu naših zajedničkih ustavnih vrednosti je vladavina prava. A jedan od najvažnijih zadataka ustavnog suda je zaštita vladavine prava. Ustavni sud Kosova je u potpunosti ovlašćen da tumači Ustav i da bude uveren da su njegove odluke obavezujuće za vladu i pravosuđe i za sva lica i institucije na Kosovu. U potpunosti priznajem izradu konačne verzije člana 116, jer sam želeo da bude jasno da su odluke ustavnog suda konačne i dalje, da je princip artikulisan u odluci ustavnog suda presedan za buduće odluke. U to ne bi trebalo biti sumnje i Komisija se spremno složila. Pored suda, uspostavljeno je veoma nezavisno pravosuđe da u potpunosti sprovodi zakone zemlje. Nezavisno pravosuđe je sam temelj vladavine prava – kako strukturne nezavisnosti tako i nezavisno- sti odlučivanja. Bez nezavisnog pravosuđa, obećanja o vladavini prava se ne mogu održati. A, zahvaljujući Ustavu, Kosovo ima modernu parlamentarnu demokratiju evropskog tipa sa odred- bama koje nastoje da izbegnu duge zastoje. Deo genijalnosti pisanja ustava je predviđanje potenci- jalnih problema koji stoje na putu dobrog upravljanja. Takve probleme vidimo u trenutnom sukobu oko toga ko će postati sledeći predsedavajući u našem Predstavničkom domu. Ne mogu se u pot- punosti predvideti sva buduća pitanja, ali mislim da je Ustav Kosova blizu. A kada govorimo o demokratiji, pravo glasa je široko i sveobuhvatno, omogućavajći puno učešće građana u procesu donošenja odluka putem slobodnih i fer izbora. U ovaj Ustav su ugrađeni koncepti podele vlasti i kontrole i ravnoteže više u američkom stilu. Ove odredbe daju svakoj grani vlasti mogućnost da ograniči ovlašćenja drugih grana, osiguravajući odgov- ornost i osnažujući manjinsko stanovništvo. Izvršna ovlašćenja su podeljena između predsednika i premijera, princip civilne kontrole vojske i policije ne može se suspendovati, a vanredne nadležnosti su podeljene. To su klasični ideali koji sprečavaju koncentraciju moći koja je često bila i nastavlja da bude pogubna za naš svet. Da, Ustav Kosova je izvanredan dokument, danas vizionarski kao što je bio kada je ratifikovan 2008. godine. Ali održavanje demokratije živom i živopisnom je težak posao – mnogo teži od izrade ustava. Oprez je potreban svaki dan - bez izuzetaka. Jedan od osnivača Amerike, Bendžamin Frenklin, po izlasku sa Ustavne konvencije u Filadelfiji 1787. godine, upitan je kakvu su vladu delegati stvorili. Njegov odgovor? „Republika, gospodine, ako je možete održati“. To je, prijatelji moji, veliki izazov demokratije i vladavine prava… održati je. Ustavni sud Kosova je, po mom mišljenju, uradio izuzetan posao u svojih 14 godina. Biti originalni tumači Ustava — koji rade bez presedana — nije lako. Uprkos čestim promenama u sastavu i nes- rećnim kašnjenjima u imenovanju novih članova, Sud je bio veran i hrabar tumač reči Ustava, svetao svetionik za put koji je pred nama. I zaista, graditelj javnog poštovanja za vladavinu prava – što je od suštinskog značaja za „održavanje iste”. 31 -A vladavina prava, kako i treba, dovela je do prosperiteta i ekonomskog rasta. Bila mi je čast da rad- im sa Sudom na usvajanju i reviziji njegovog poslovnika i u procesu, da izbliza posmatram rad Suda, rešavajući mnoga teška pitanja sa kojima se suočava ova još uvek nova zemlja. Danas slavimo izuzetan rad ovog Suda, kao što slavimo vizionarski dokument koji je za Kosovo pisa- no oličenje vladavine prava. Slavimo i rad Komisije koja je vodila izradu ustava. Znate, često nosim sa sobom ovaj džepni Ustav. Podseća me na ono što je dobro na ovom svetu i šta je potrebno za borbu protiv zla na toliko mesta. I nadam se da će se u godinama koje dolaze kada se piše istorija o počecima ove republike u srcu Evrope, ovaj Ustav i ovaj Sud smatrati čvrstim temeljom koji je Kosovo učinio pričom o uspehu. Kosovo je prešlo dug put od te hladne i očajne zime 1999. godine. Veliki razlog za ovaj izuzetan na- predak je bila vladavina prava i posvećenost ljudskim pravima za sve. Obećanja koja su upisana u Ustav i omogućena posvećenošću Ustavnog suda. Zajedno, oni su duša Kosova. Ima još mnogo posla, ali put pred nama je jasan i svetao. Republika, gospodine, ako je možete održati. Održimo je. Mnogo vam hvala! Johna R. Tunheima Saveznog Sudije Sjedinjenih Država i glavnog savetnika Sjedinjenih Država, koji je podržavao proces donošenja Ustava Republike Kosovo 32 Address by Mr. John R. Tunheim, United States Federal Judge and the Lead United States Advisor supporting the constitution- making process of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo T hank you, Madam President. It is a great honor to be asked to speak today on the special occa- sion of the 14th Judicial Year of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo. A warm wel- come to all of the Members and former Members of the Constitutional Court, to former Presidents of the Republic, Honorable Ambassadors, and a special welcome to the international delegations and visitors here with us. Thank you all for coming. Today we celebrate a remarkable achievement — the Kosovo Constitution and the Court that has so faithfully and courageously interpreted that document since independence in 2008. It has been one of the great privileges of my life to have been involved in the development of so much of the legal system in Kosovo, here in the heart of Europe. My first visit was in cold winter of 1999-2000 when the cruel and inhumane ravages of war were ap- parent everywhere. Yes, I brought a sleeping bag and needed it every night. Our task was to help the United Nations re-start a legal system that had been destroyed like so many institutions. Amazingly, one of the many difficult questions was what law should be in effect in Kosovo? Some of you will recall our long travels throughout the territory and the resulting “Quick Start” program that reinvig- orated Kosovo and the rule of law. Supervising the first free elections in the fall of 2000 was an incredible experience. I have returned many times over the years, drafting codes, assessing the progress of the judiciary, bringing American judges to work in the international judge system, just giving advice and working on many rule of law issues too numerous to mention today. I feel like Kosovo has become a second home to me over these more than fifty visits. It is remarkable to see the change over this quarter of a century of progress. We began the creation of the Kosovo Constitution with hopes and dreams of a foundational docu- ment that would rival any western democracy in its protection of human rights, in its support for the rule of law and in its creation of a modern parliamentary republic. The ultimate triumph of hope over fear. In short, the goal was to propose a modern constitution that would help sweep away the recent his- tory of war and ethnic violence and embody the grand ideals of the rule of law. And importantly, the goal was to prove to the world that Kosovo was ready for independence and could be a country willing to protect all of its citizens. 33 Madame President, who was then a senior advisor at USAID organized much of the work needed to develop a Constitution. Professor Warren and Professor Aucoin, who are here today, were really, really important members of the team. We began by identifying the foundational requirements expected by the European Union, by the Venice Commission and by the earlier Ahtisaari framework for peace arising out of the Vienna Talks. A wise and sensible multi-ethic, multi-party Constitutional Commission, some of whom are here to- day, was appointed to the make the important decisions and lead the drafting efforts. Ms. Kelmendi and Mr. Kuçi proved to be outstanding leaders. And this was hard work. Although the world provides many good examples, a constitution must encompass not only interna- tional agreements, but also reflect local culture and norms. History is important and the people to be governed must accept the terms of governance. This was not an easy task especially when in the early stages the public could not be consulted. A predictable impasse was reached in the summer when members of the Commission could not agree on the important question of how to divide powers between a President and a Prime Minister. Someone suggested that we needed to bring in the veteran diplomat Richard Holbrooke to mediate. But that wasn’t necessary — instead, with the help of American Chief of Mission Tina Kaidanow, Gresa and I spent an intense week negotiating a critical power sharing agreement among the polit- ical leaders that paved the way for the commission to draft sections of the proposed constitution. Former President Sejdiu played a very important role in this agreement. A large fall conference near Mitrovica hammered out the details and we made sure that the final wording was very precise — in each of Kosovo’s languages. The Constitution was essential for what came next, the consequential Declaration of Independence on February 17, 2008. The Assembly quickly ratified the Constitution, following an emotional cele- bratory signing ceremony during which Commission members presented their recommendations to Kosovo’s leaders, less than one year after the process was begun. The long-held dream of indepen- dence became a reality, and a visionary Constitution was in place to guide the new country. I want to salute the Kosovo Constitution for a moment because it is a remarkable document that reflects constitutional ideals recognized throughout the world. It fully incorporates the provisions of eight international covenants on human rights and grants very significant protections and self-government rights to Kosovo’s non-majority populations. Concepts of federalism, the division of power between the central and regional governments are present here, an important value. The constitutional protections against discriminatory treatment are extensive and equality is guar- anteed for all. These protections are to be interpreted consistent with the decisions of the European Court on Human Rights. Human rights is one of the most important values that countries must en- shrine in their constitutions or foundational documents — and Kosovo’s guarantees of equality are as strong as any in the world. 34 Among its many articles addressing human rights and human dignity, the Kosovo Constitution grants a right to free education, a strong right of privacy, religious, academic and media freedom and a right to work. The document also includes significant and specific provisions against torture or degrading treatment. A unique and particularly visionary provision requires governmental entities to consider the environmental impact of all decisions – more important today with climate change upon us. Equally important in the grand pantheon of our shared constitutional values is the rule of law. And one of the most important tasks of a constitutional court is to protect the rule of law. The Kosovo Constitutional Court is fully empowered to interpret the Constitution and to be assured that its de- cisions are binding on the government and on the judiciary and on all persons and institutions in Kosovo. I fully admit to drafting the final version of Article 116 because I wanted to make very clear that constitutional court decisions are final and further, that the principle articulated in a constitutional court decision is a precedent for future decisions. Of this, there should be no doubt and the Com- mission readily agreed. And alongside the court, the very independent judiciary was established to fully enforce the laws of the country. An independent judiciary is the very foundation of the rule of law – both structural and decisional independence. Without an independent judiciary, the promises of the rule of law cannot be kept. And, thanks to the Constitution, Kosovo has a modern European-style parliamentary democracy with provisions that seek to avoid lengthy impasses. Part of the genius of constitution-writing is anticipating potential problems that stand in the way of good governance. We are seeing such prob- lems in the current standoff over who will become the next speaker in our House of Representatives. One cannot fully anticipate all future issues, but I think the Kosovo Constitution comes close. And speaking of democracy, the right to vote is broad and all-encompassing, allowing the full partic- ipation of citizens in the decision-making process through free and fair elections. Built into this Constitution are more American-style concepts of separation of powers and checks and balances. These provisions give each branch of government the ability to limit the powers of the other branches, ensuring accountability and empowering minority populations. Executive powers are divided between the President and the Prime Minister, the principle of civilian control of mili- tary and police cannot be suspended, and emergency powers are divided. These are classic ideals that prevent the concentration of power that often have been and continue to be devastating for our world. Yes, the Kosovo Constitution is a remarkable document, as visionary today as it was when it was rat- ified in 2008. But keeping a democracy vibrant and alive is hard work – much harder than drafting a constitution. Vigilance is required every single day — no exceptions. 35 One of America’s Founders, Benjamin Franklin, on exiting the Constitutional Convention in Phil- adelphia in 1787, was asked what sort of government the delegates had created. His answer? “A republic, sir, if you can keep it.” That, my friends, is the great challenge of a democracy and the rule of law… keeping it. The Kosovo Constitutional Court, in my view, has done outstanding work in its 14 years. Being the original interpreters of a Constitution — operating without precedents — is not easy. Despite fre- quent changes in composition and unfortunate delays in appointing new members, the Court has been a faithful and courageous interpreter of the words of the Constitution, a bright beacon for the path ahead. And truly, a builder of public respect for the rule of law — essential to “keeping it.” The Court’s work, through the leadership of President Enver Hasani, President Arta Rama and now President Caka-Nimani, has been inspired and has helped to set Kosovo’s path to a solid and secure future. The Court has surely helped to “keep” this republic in the words of Franklin. And the rule of law, as it should, has led to prosperity and economic growth. It has been my privilege to work with the Court in its adoption and revisions of its rules of procedure and in the process, to watch the work of the Court from up close, resolving many difficult issues faced by this still very new country. We celebrate today the exceptional work of this Court, just as we celebrate the visionary document that for Kosovo is the written embodiment of the rule of law. We celebrate too, the work of the Commission that guided the drafting of the constitution. You know, I often carry with me this pock- et-sized Constitution. It reminds me of what is good in this world and what is needed to combat evil in so many places. And it is my hope that in the years to come when the history is written of the beginnings of this re- public in the heart of Europe, that this Constitution and this Court are regarded as the firm founda- tion that made Kosovo a success story. Kosovo has come a long way since that cold and desperate winter of 1999. A big reason for this remarkable progress has been the rule of law and the commitment to human rights for all. The promises that are enshrined in the Constitution and enabled by the dedication of the Constitutional Court. Together, they are the soul of Kosovo. There is much more work to do, but the path ahead is clear and bright. A republic, sir, if you can keep it. Let’s keep it. Thank you very much! John R. Tunheim United States Federal Judge and the Lead United States Advisor supporting the constitution-making process of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo 36 Allocution de M. John R. Tunheim, Juge fédéral des États-Unis et conseiller principal des États-Unis ayant soutenu le processus d’élaboration de la Constitution de la République du Kosovo C ’est un grand honneur d’être invité à prendre la parole aujourd’hui à l’occasion spéciale du 14ème anniversaire judiciaire de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo. Une bienvenue à tous les membres et anciens membres de la Cour Constitutionnelle, aux anciens présidents de la République, aux honorables Ambassadeurs, et une bienvenue particulière aux délégations et visi- teurs internationaux ici parmi nous. Merci à vous tous d’être venus. Aujourd’hui, nous célébrons un anniversaire remarquable — celui de la Constitution du Kosovo et la Cour qui a interprété ce document avec tant de fidélité et de courage depuis l’indépendance en 2008. Cela a été l’un des grands privilèges de ma vie d’avoir participé à l’élaboration d’une si grande partie du système juridique au Kosovo, ici au cœur de l’Europe. Ma première visite a eu lieu au cours de l’hiver rigoureux de 1999-2000, lorsque les ravages cruels et inhumains de la guerre étaient encore visibles partout. Oui, j’avais apporté un sac de couchage et j’en avais besoin tous les soirs. Notre tâche était d’aider les Nations Unies à relancer un système juridique qui avait été détruit, comme tant d’institutions. Étonnamment, l’une des nombreuses questions dif- ficiles était de savoir quelle loi devait être en vigueur au Kosovo ? Certains d’entre vous se souvien- dront de nos longs voyages à travers le territoire et du programme « Quick Start » qui en a résulté et qui a revigoré le Kosovo et l’État de droit. Superviser les premières élections libres à l’automne 2000 a été une expérience incroyable. J’y suis revenu à plusieurs reprises au fil des ans, rédigeant des codes, évaluant les progrès du système judiciaire, faisant travailler des juges américains dans le système judiciaire international, prodi- guant simplement des conseils et travaillant sur de nombreuses questions d’état de droit, trop nombreuses pour être mentionnées aujourd’hui. J’ai l’impression que le Kosovo est devenu pour moi une deuxième maison au fil de ces quelques cinquante visites, si ce n’est plus. Il est remar- quable de voir le changement au cours de ce quart de siècle de progrès. Nous avons commencé l’élaboration de la Constitution du Kosovo avec l’espoir et le rêve d’un docu- ment fondateur qui rivaliserait avec n’importe quelle démocratie occidentale dans sa protection des droits de l’homme, dans son soutien à l’État de droit et dans sa création d’une république parlemen- taire moderne. L’ultime triomphe de l’espoir sur la peur. 37 En bref, l’objectif était de proposer une constitution moderne qui contribuerait à balayer l’histoire récente de guerre et de violence ethnique et à incarner les grands idéaux de l’État de droit. Et surtout, l’objectif était de prouver au monde que le Kosovo était prêt pour l’indépendance et pouvait être un pays disposé à protéger tous ses citoyens. Madame la Présidente, qui était alors conseillère principale à l’USAID, a organisé une grande partie du travail nécessaire à l’élaboration d’une Constitution. Les professeurs Warren et Aucoin, qui sont ici aujourd’hui, étaient des membres très importants de l’équipe. Nous avons commencé par identifier les exigences fondamentales attendues par l’Union européenne, par la Commission de Venise et par le cadre de paix Ahtisaari antérieur, issu des pourparlers de Vienne. Une Commission constitutionnelle multipartite, multi-ethnique, sage et sensée, dont certains membres sont présents ici aujourd’hui, a été nommée pour prendre les décisions importantes et diriger les efforts de rédaction. Mme. Kelmendi et M. Kuçi se sont révélés être des dirigeants excep- tionnels. Et c’était un travail dur. Bien que le monde fournisse de nombreux bons exemples, une constitution doit non seulement en- glober les accords internationaux, mais également refléter la culture et les normes locales. L’histoire est importante et les peuples à gouverner doivent accepter les conditions de gouvernance. Cela n’a pas été une tâche facile, surtout lorsqu’au début le peuple n’a pas pu être consulté. Une impasse prévisible s’est produite cet été lorsque les membres de la Commission n’ont pas pu se mettre d’accord sur la question importante de la répartition des pouvoirs entre un président et un premier ministre. Quelqu’un a suggéré que nous devions faire appel au diplomate chevronné Ri- chard Holbrooke pour servir de médiateur. Mais ce n’était pas nécessaire : au lieu de cela, avec l’aide de la chef de mission américaine Tina Kaidanow, Gresa et moi avons passé une semaine intense à négocier un accord crucial de partage du pouvoir entre les dirigeants politiques qui a ouvert la voie à la commission pour rédiger des sections du projet de loi Constitution. L’ancien président Sejdiu a joué un rôle très important dans cet accord. Une grande conférence organisée à l’automne près de Mitrovica a peaufiné les détails et nous avons veillé à ce que la formulation finale soit très précise – dans chacune des langues courantes du Kosovo. La Constitution a été essentielle pour ce qui a suivi, la Déclaration d’indépendance, le 17 février 2008. L’Assemblée a rapidement ratifié la Constitution, à la suite d’une cérémonie de signature émouvante au cours de laquelle les membres de la Commission ont présenté leurs recommandations aux dirigeants du Kosovo, moins d’un an après le processus a été entamé. Le rêve d’indépendance de longue date est devenu réalité et une Constitution visionnaire a été mise en place pour guider le nouveau pays. 38 Je tiens à saluer un instant la Constitution du Kosovo, car c’est un document remarquable qui reflète les idéaux constitutionnels reconnus dans le monde entier. Il intègre pleinement les dispositions de huit pactes internationaux relatifs aux droits de l’homme et accorde des protections et des droits à l’autonomie gouvernementale très importants aux popula- tions non majoritaires du Kosovo. Les concepts de fédéralisme, de division du pouvoir entre le gou- vernement central et les gouvernements régionaux sont ici présents, une valeur importante. Les protections constitutionnelles contre les traitements discriminatoires sont étendues et l’égalité est garantie pour tous. Ces protections doivent être interprétées conformément aux décisions de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme. Les droits de l’homme sont l’une des valeurs les plus impor- tantes que les pays doivent consacrer dans leur constitution ou leurs documents fondateurs – et les garanties d’égalité du Kosovo sont aussi fortes que partout ailleurs dans le monde. Parmi ses nombreux articles traitant des droits de l’homme et de la dignité humaine, la Constitution du Kosovo accorde le droit à l’éducation gratuite, un droit fort à la vie privée, la liberté religieuse, académique et des médias et le droit au travail. Le document comprend également des dispositions importantes et spécifiques contre la torture ou les traitements dégradants. Une disposition unique et particulièrement visionnaire exige que les entités gouvernementales prennent en compte l’impact environnemental de toutes les décisions – plus important aujourd’hui avec le changement clima- tique à nos portes. Tout aussi important dans le grand panthéon de nos valeurs constitutionnelles communes, c’est l’État de droit. Et l’une des tâches les plus importantes d’une Cour constitutionnelle est de proté- ger l’État de droit. La Cour Constitutionnelle du Kosovo est pleinement habilitée à interpréter la Constitution et à s’assurer que ses décisions sont contraignantes pour le gouvernement, le pouvoir judiciaire et toutes les personnes et institutions du Kosovo. J’admets pleinement avoir rédigé la version finale de l’article 116 parce que je voulais préciser très clairement que les décisions de la Cour constitutionnelle sont définitives et, en outre, que le principe énoncé dans une décision de la Cour Constitutionnelle constitue un précédent pour les décisions futures. Il ne devrait y avoir aucun doute sur ce point et la Commission a accepté sans hésiter. Et à côté du tribunal, un pouvoir judiciaire indépendant a été créé pour faire pleinement respecter les lois du pays. Un système judiciaire indépendant est le fondement même de l’État de droit – tant sur le plan structurel que décisionnel. Sans un système judiciaire indépendant, les promesses de l’État de droit ne peuvent être tenues. Et grâce à la Constitution, le Kosovo dispose d’une démocratie parlementaire moderne de type eu- ropéen, dotée de dispositions visant à éviter de longues impasses. Une partie du génie de la rédac- tion d’une constitution consiste à anticiper les problèmes potentiels qui font obstacle à la bonne gouvernance. Nous constatons de tels problèmes dans l’impasse actuelle sur la question de savoir qui deviendra le prochain président de notre Chambre des représentants. On ne peut pas anticiper pleinement toutes les questions futures, mais je pense que la Constitution du Kosovo s’en rapproche. 39 Et en parlant de démocratie, le droit de vote est large et global, permettant la pleine participation des citoyens au processus décisionnel par le biais d’élections libres et équitables. Cette Constitution intègre des concepts plus américains de séparation des pouvoirs et de freins et contrepoids. Ces dispositions donnent à chaque branche du gouvernement la possibilité de limiter les pouvoirs des autres branches, garantissant ainsi la responsabilité et l’autonomisation des popu- lations minoritaires. Les pouvoirs exécutifs sont partagés entre le Président et le Premier ministre, le principe du contrôle civil de l’armée et de la police ne peut être suspendu et les pouvoirs d’urgence sont partagés. Ce sont des idéaux classiques qui empêchent la concentration du pouvoir qui a sou- vent été et continue d’être dévastatrice pour notre monde. Oui, la Constitution du Kosovo est un document remarquable, aussi visionnaire aujourd’hui qu’elle l’était lors de sa ratification en 2008. Mais maintenir une démocratie dynamique et vivante est un travail difficile – bien plus difficile que de rédiger une constitution. La vigilance est de mise chaque jour — sans exception. L’un des fondateurs de l’Amérique, Benjamin Franklin, à sa sortie de la Convention constitutionnelle de Philadelphie en 1787, fut interrogé sur le genre de gouvernement que les délégués avaient créé. Sa réponse ? « Une république, monsieur, si vous pouvez la garder ». Voilà, mes amis, le grand défi de la démocratie et de l’État de droit, ……..le préserver. La Cour Constitutionnelle du Kosovo, à mon avis, a accompli un travail remarquable au cours de ses 14 années d’existence. Être les premiers interprètes d’une Constitution – opérant sans précédent – n’est pas facile. Malgré de fréquents changements dans sa composition et des retards regrettables dans la nomination de nouveaux membres, la Cour a été une interprète fidèle et courageuse des pa- roles de la Constitution, un phare lumineux pour la voie à suivre. Et véritablement, un bâtisseur du respect public pour l’État de droit – essentiel pour « le maintenir ». Le travail de la Cour, sous la direction du Président Enver Hasani, due la Présidente Arta Rama et désormais de la Présidente Caka-Nimani, a été inspiré et a contribué à ouvrir la voie au Kosovo vers un avenir solide et sûr. La Cour a sûrement contribué à « garder » cette république, selon les mots de Franklin. Et l’État de droit, comme il se doit, a conduit à la prospérité et à la croissance économique. Ce fut pour moi un privilège de travailler avec la Cour à l’adoption et à la révision de son règlement inté- rieur et, ce faisant, d’observer de près le travail de la Cour, résolvant de nombreux problèmes diffi- ciles auxquels est confronté ce pays encore très jeune. Nous célébrons aujourd’hui le travail exceptionnel de cette Cour, tout comme nous célébrons le do- cument visionnaire qui, pour le Kosovo, est l’incarnation écrite de l’État de droit. Nous célébrons également le travail de la Commission qui a guidé la rédaction de la constitution. Vous savez, j’em- porte souvent avec moi cette Constitution au format de poche. Cela me rappelle ce qui est bon dans ce monde et ce qui est nécessaire pour combattre le mal dans de nombreux endroits. 40 Et j’espère que dans les années à venir, lorsque l’histoire des débuts de cette république au cœur de l’Europe sera écrite, cette Constitution et cette Cour seront considérées comme la base solide qui a fait du Kosovo une réussite. Le Kosovo a parcouru un long chemin depuis cet hiver froid et désespéré de 1999. Ces progrès re- marquables s’expliquent en grande partie par l’État de droit et l’engagement en faveur des droits de l’homme pour tous. Des promesses inscrites dans la Constitution et rendues possibles par le dévoue- ment de la Cour Constitutionnelle. Ensemble, ils constituent l’âme du Kosovo. Il y a encore beaucoup de travail à faire, mais le chemin à parcourir est clair et lumineux. Une république, monsieur, si vous pouvez la maintenir. Gardons-le. Merci beaucoup! John R.Tunheim Juge fédéral des États-Unis et conseiller principal des États-Unis ayant soutenu le processus d'élaboration de la Constitution de la République du Kosovo 41  Fjala kryesore e z. Laurent Fabius, Kryetar i Këshillit Kushtetues të Republikës së Francës Uvodno obraćanje g. Laurenta Fabiusa, predsednik Ustavnog saveta Republike Francuske Keynote address by Mr. Laurent Fabius, President of the Constitutional Council of the Republic of France Discours d’ouverture de M. Laurent Fabius, Président du Conseil Constitutionnel de la République française Fjala kryesore e z. Laurent Fabius, Kryetar i Këshillit Kushtetues të Republikës së Francës Zonja Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese, Zonja Zëvendës Kryeministre, Zonja Ministre e Drejtësisë, Të nderuar Zotërinj ministra, Zonja dhe Zotërinj deputetë të Kuvendit të Kosovës, Të nderuar zotërinj kryetarë të institucioneve të pavarura gjyqësore, Zotëri Sejdiu, ish President i Republikës, Zonja Jahjaga, ish Presidente e Republikës, Të nderuar kryetarë komunash, Zonja dhe Zotërinj, të ftuar kryetarë të Gjykatave Kushtetuese, Zonja dhe Zotërinj ambasadorë dhe përfaqësues të organizatave ndërkombëtare, Zonja dhe Zotërinj, të nderuar kolegë dhe miq. Ju falënderoj përzemërsisht që më ftuat në manifestimet për të shënuar Vitin e 14-të Gjyqësor të Gjykatës suaj dhe 15-vjetorin e Kushtetutës suaj. Duke më mundësuar të flas në ceremoninë e hapjes, ndjej se po dërgoni një shenjë miqësie jo vetëm për Këshillin Kushtetues Francez, por edhe për institucionet e vendit tim dhe, ndoshta mund të 42 them, për Francën. Në këtë rast shoh jehonën e vëllazërisë mes Francës dhe Kosovës, e cila është shfaqur në shumë mënyra që nga viti 1999, përfshirë këtu edhe në fushën e drejtësisë dhe ndërtimit të shtetit ligjor. Sikur të gjithë ju të pranishëm këtu, unë vlerësoj progresin e bërë, arritjet në aspektin e sundimit të ligjit në një kohë të shkurtër, dhe do të na gjeni pranë jush për të përballuar vështirësitë që mbeten ende për t’u zgjidhur. Sepse, siç e dimë të gjithë, mbeten shumë vështirësi për t’u zgjidhur. Periudha aktuale është e rrezikshme. Kjo fjalë duhet përdorur pa ndrojtje të rreme. Duhet të mbizotërojnë ligji dhe shteti i së drejtës. Edhe vendi im, gjatë historisë së tij, ka kaluar periudha me rreziqe. Kushtetuta jonë aktuale buron nga njëra prej tyre. 1. Kontrolli kushtetues dhe sovraniteti popullor: shembulli i Francës Për sa i përket pikërisht përvojës franceze, nuk do të kem kohë të mjaftueshme për të përshkruar këtu plotësisht rrugëtimin e Këshillit Kushtetues që nga krijimi i tij në vitin 1958. Megjithatë, dua të theksoj se kjo rrugë e konsiderueshme është shenjëzuar nga vendime që kanë formësuar jurisprudencën tonë me forcë, por edhe në kërkim të ekuilibrit. Një nga shenjëzimet kryesore në afirmimin e Këshillit Kushtetues si një Gjykatë Kushtetuese e vërtetë është vendimi i 16 korrikut 1971 i njohur si “liria e asociimit” me të cilin Këshilli pohoi se i takon atij të kontrollojë përputhshmërinë e ligjeve me të gjithë elementët që figurojnë në katalogun e të drejtave themelore të cilave u referohet Kushtetuta franceze, domethënë Deklarata e famshme e të Drejtave të Njeriut dhe Qytetarit të vitit 1789, Preambula e Kushtetutës së vitit 1946 dhe Karta e Mjedisit të vitit 2004. Kontrolli i përputhshmërisë së ligjeve me rregullat tona kushtetuese është vendosur më pas vazhdimisht, veçanërisht që nga krijimi nga vetë Konstituenti në vitin 2008 të Çështjes Prioritare të Kushtetutshmërisë, të cilën më pëlqen ta quaj “çështje qytetare”. Kjo çështje përbën një progres demokratik pasi mundëson që çdo palë ndërgjyqëse në një proces gjyqësor t›ia referojë çështjen Këshillit Kushtetues nëpërmjet filtrit të instancave më të larta të drejtësisë civile dhe penale ose të drejtësisë administrative për të kontestuar përputhshmërinë e çdo ligji, pavarësisht nga data e miratimit të tij, me të drejtat dhe liritë që garanton Kushtetuta. Është një sukses i madh. Afirmimi i Këshillit Kushtetues si Gjykatë Kushtetuese mund të kuptohet edhe nëpërmjet jurispru- dencës që e ka krijuar dhe nëpërmjet vendimeve “të mëdha” që i ka marrë. Duke kontrolluar ligjet që i janë paraqitur, Këshilli Kushtetues siguroi respektimin e parimeve të ndryshme: barazinë, laic- itetin, lirinë e shprehjes, lirinë e ndërgjegjes, të drejtën për grevë, të drejtën e pronës, respektimin e jetës private, paprekshmërinë e shtëpisë, të drejtën për të pasur një jetë normale familjare, pre- zumimi i pafajësisë dhe së fundmi vëllazërimin, mbrojtjen e mjedisit dhe brezave të ardhshëm – si dhe të disa parimeve të tjera kushtetuese. 43 Në kontrollin tonë të përputhshmërisë së ligjit me kërkesat kushtetuese, gjithmonë kemi parasysh faktin se konstituenti mund të avancojë strukturën e këtyre kërkesave, por dimë gjithashtu se ndë- rhyrja e tij duhet të konceptohet në përputhje me rregullat e parapara në Kushtetutë, përveç nëse shfuqizohet. Sundimi i ligjit sigurisht që mund të evoluojë, por shteti i së drejtës duhet të ruhet absolutisht. E njëjta gjë vlen edhe për mënyrën se si Këshilli Kushtetues e parasheh artikulimin ndërmjet ligjit kombëtar dhe ligjit të Bashkimit Evropian. Nga ky këndvështrim, kontrolli ynë kontribuon në rritjen e mbrojtjes së shtetit të së drejtës që reflekton jo konkurrencën, por komplementaritetin ndërmjet zyrave kushtetuese në përputhje me kushtet e Traktatit të Bashkimit Evropian. Shtoj se Këshilli Kushtetues, edhe pse nuk e vlerëson përputhshmërinë e ligjit kombëtar me Konventën Evropiane për Mbrojtjen e të Drejtave të Njeriut, megjithatë e ka në fokus dialogun me Gjykatën Evropiane të të Drejtave të Njeriut, veçanërisht në formën e dialogut të praktikave tona gjyqësore, me një perspek- tivë të përbashkët të mbrojtjes së shtetit të së drejtës. 2. V  lerat e përbashkëta me Kushtetutën e Kosovës Pas këtij evokimi të shkurtër të akseve kryesore të kontrollit kushtetues të praktikuar në Francë, dëshiroj të nënvizoj konvergjencat midis të drejtave dhe lirive të mbrojtura nga kushtetutat e dy vendeve tona dhe të shumë prej të pranishmëve në këtë ceremoni. Kushtetuta e Kosovës, të cilës ia garantoni respektimin në germë dhe në frymë, ka përfituar nga për- vojat pozitive dhe negative të vendeve të tjera. Përpiluesëve të saj u është dashur të kenë parasysh edhe rrethanat që çuan nga lufta e 1999-ës në pavarësinë e vitit 2008. Në veçanti për nga vlerat mbi të cilat mbështetet, Kushtetuta e Kosovës është posaçërisht moderne. Më befason veçanërisht përf- shirja në Kushtetutë e teksteve ndërkombëtare në të cilat Republika e Kosovës ende nuk është palë. Kështu Kushtetuta e Kosovës përmban në nenin 22 të saj tekstet e rëndësishëm të Kombeve të Bash- kuara, në veçanti Paktin për të Drejtat Civile dhe Politike dhe Konventën Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut si dhe protokollet e saj. U jep këtyre teksteve një vlerë më të lartë se ligji në hierarkinë e standardeve dhe ua njeh zbatueshmërinë e drejtpërdrejtë. Kuvendi i Kosovës ka dëshiruar gjithashtu t’i mbështes progreset normative duke u dhënë të njëjtën vlerë teksteve ndërkombëtare të miratuara pas vitit 2008. Në këtë dispozitë e cila mundëson zbatimin e një teksti të cilit Kosova ende nuk mund të anëtarëso- het, unë shoh ambicien e lavdërueshme për t’iu ofruar qytetarëve tuaj mbrojtjen më të mirë të të drejtave. Shoh gjithashtu aspiratën legjitime për të qenë në gjendje t’u bashkoheni këtyre instru- menteve ndërkombëtare. Franca e mbështet këtë dëshirë. Paralelisht, për shumë vite Franca vepron në mënyrë aktive drejt normalizimit të marrëdhënieve me Serbinë, që, përkundër vështirësive, është rruga që Republika e Kosovës duhet të ndjek për të gjetur vendin e merituar në bashkësinë ndërkom- bëtare. 44 Këto tekste, Franca i ka nënshkruar, në fakt, edhe shpesh i ka frymëzuar. Bazamentin që e formojnë e kemi të përbashkët, ai na bashkon në një projekt demokratik dhe humanist. Dëshiroj të vë në dukje në veçanti një pikë të përbashkët midis vlerave tona që krijojnë të drejtat dhe liritë e garantuara nga Kushtetutat tona përkatëse: laiciteti dhe neutraliteti i shtetit në çështjet e bindjeve fetare. Ky parim i laicitetit është i shënuar në paragrafin e parë të nenit të parë të Kushte- tutës sonë. Në të thuhet se “Franca është një Republikë e pandashme, laike, demokratike dhe sociale. Ajo siguron barazi para ligjit për të gjithë qytetarët, pa dallim origjine, race apo feje. Ajo respekton të gjitha besimet (…)”. ​Në fakt, ky parim i laicitetit është i vjetër. Ndarja daton në vitin 1905. Këshilli Kushtetues me një vendim të datës 21 shkurt 2013 e bëri parimin e laicitetit një nga të drejtat që Kushtetuta garanton në kuptim të nenit 61§1 të Kushtetutës. Ky vendim ka një rëndësi praktike: komponentët e laicitetit, domethënë respektimi i të gjitha besimeve, barazia e të gjithë qytetarëve pa dallim feje dhe garantimi i kultit, tani janë të gjitha të drejta që mund të inicohen nga palët ndërgjyqëse. Laiciteti nuk është më vetëm një parim për organizimin e marrëdhënieve të kulteve me autoritetet publike, ai është shndër- ruar tani në burimin ose themelin e të drejtave individuale. Padyshim që mund të kemi një dialog të frytshëm mbi këtë temë dhe mbi çështjet e zbatimit të saj të cilat mund të shfaqen. Një tjetër lëmi për të cilën mund të diskutojmë sepse po ecim në të njëjtin drejtim është tema de- likate e të drejtës për martesë për çiftet e të njëjtës gjini. Kur u miratua, Kushtetuta e Kosovës ishte për këtë temë një hap përpara në krahasim me dispozitat që ekzistonin në Francë në të njëjtën kohë. Duke njohur të drejtën e martesës pa e kufizuar atë në çifte të gjinive të ndryshme, Kosova ka vendo- sur një moment historik të rëndësishëm në një rrugë që ne e kishim kaluar tashmë – në vitin 1999 e patëm vendosur të drejtën për çiftet e të njëjtës gjini për të hyrë në një partneritet civil të njohur nga ligji. Nëse mund të shprehem kështu, ju kemi kaluar në këtë rrugë të barazisë dhe dinjitetit, duke miratuar një ligj në vitin 2013, i cili i jep të gjithëve të drejtën për martesë. Këto dy ligje, ai i vitit 1999 dhe ai i vitit 2013, nuk u miratuan lehtë. Kemi patur debate, disa herë të ashpra, dhe çështja kaloi në Këshillin Kushtetues. Ai vendosi se zgjedhja e ligjvënësit nuk ishte në kundërshtim me asn- jë parim kushtetues. E paraqes këtë temë me kujdes, sepse e di që Parlamentit tuaj do t’i paraqitet një tekst që reformon kodin civil, se ky tekst mund të përfshijë dispozita për martesën dhe se do t’i takojë Gjykatës Kushtetuese të vlerësojë përputhshmërinë e këtij ligji të ardhshëm me Kushtetutën. Prandaj nuk do të shkoj përtej përmendjes së përvojës sonë ose praktikës gjyqësore të Gjykatës Ev- ropiane të të Drejtave të Njeriut. Megjithatë, theksoj – sepse kjo duhet medituar – kontrastin midis vrullit, për të mos thënë tërbimit, të debateve që u zhvilluan në vitin 2013 në Francë, dhe qetësisë të rishfaqur që nga miratimi i ligjit. Pse kjo qetësi? Ndoshta sepse të gjithë tani e kanë kuptuar që ky ligj u solli disa të drejta të reja pa i hequr asnjë të drejtë të gjithëve. 45  3. Gjykatat kushtetuese, garantuese të shtetit ligjor Zonja Kryetare, zonja dhe zotërinj, “Çdo shoqëri në të cilën nuk garantohet siguria e të drejtave dhe nuk përcaktohet ndarja e pushteteve, nuk ka Kushtetutë”: kështu thuhej, qartë dhe fuqishëm, në Deklaratën e të Drejtave të Njeriut dhe të Qytetarit më 26 gusht 1789. Më lejoni të përmend një nga këto aspekte, atë të pavarësisë së drejtësisë. Zonja Kryetare, organizimi i drejtësisë në institucionet e Republikës së Kosovës e bën gjykatën tuaj ekuivalente me tre institucionet tona franceze: Këshillin Kushtetues, Këshillin e Shtetit, organ su- prem i drejtësisë administrative dhe Gjykatën e Kasacionit. Kuptoj ngarkesën e punës dhe veçanër- isht peshën e përgjegjësive që janë tuajat. Përtej specifikave organizative të çdo vendi, pavarësia e drejtësisë është në qendër të jurisprudencës së Gjykatës Evropiane të të Drejtave të Njeriut, e cila i kushton vigjilencën më të madhe mbrojtjes statutore dhe funksionale të gjyqësorit përballë rreziqeve të ndërhyrjes nga pushteti ekzekutiv. Ga- rancitë formale dhe mbarëvajtja e procedurave për emërimin e gjyqtarëve dhe prokurorëve janë në qendër të shtetit ligjor dhe rrjedhimisht funksionimit të duhur të institucioneve. Përzgjedhja e kujdesshme e gjyqtarëve dhe caktimi në kohë të duhur i autoriteteve përgjegjëse për funksionimin e duhur të drejtësisë meritojnë vëmendje të vazhdueshme. Institucionet evropiane, Komisioni i Venecias të cilit i bëj nderime, dhe në mënyrë më të përgjithshme institucionet e Këshillit të Evropës, të cilët Kosova dëshiron t’u bashkohet, mund t’ju ndihmojnë. Ndarja e pushteteve për të cilën ju këmbëngulët zonja Kryetare është padyshim thelbësore. Ajo bazo- het veçanërisht në respektimin (e gjësë së gjykuar) e res judicata. Kryesisht është përgjegjësi e ekze- kutivit të sigurojë që vendimet e gjykatave të zbatohen në mënyrë efektive, qofshin ato vendime të shkallës së parë ose, natyrisht, vendime të Gjykatës Kushtetuese. Është një parim konstituiv i shtetit të së drejtës, është gjithashtu garantimi i sigurisë juridike pa të cilën asnjë ekonomi nuk mund të zh- villohet në mënyrë të qëndrueshme, asnjë shoqëri nuk mund të lulëzojë vërtetë dhe asnjë demokraci nuk mund ta meritojë emrin e saj. Respektimi i res judicata nënkupton edhe sigurimin e efektivitetit të garancive dhe mbrojtjeve të parashikuara nga tekstet kushtetuese ose legjislative. Kosova garanton në tekste një shkallë të lartë të mbrojtjes së pakicave ose më mirë të komuniteteve dhe pjesëtarëve të tyre, të cilëve u kushtohet një kapitull i tërë i Kushtetutës suaj. Këtë mbrojtje duhet ta shohin dhe ta ndjejnë çdo ditë pjesëtarët e komuniteteve pakicë që jetojnë këtu. Kosova që bashkësia ndërkombëtare (të paktën shumica e anëtarëve të saj) dëshironte ta shihte të pavarur është një Kosovë multietnike. Mbajtja e gjallë dhe funksionale e këtij ekuilibri është çelësi i suksesit të këtij projekti dhe Gjykata juaj luan dhe do të luajë një rol të konsiderueshëm. 46  4. Pozicionimi ndërkombëtar i Gjykatës Jam i vetëdijshëm se si interpretues të fundit të Kushtetutës mund të ndiheni disa herë të vetmuar për- ballë pritshmërive, kritikave, madje edhe presioneve nga të tjerët. Situata e gjyqtarëve rrallëherë është e lehtë. Duke iu përgjigjur në masë të madhe ftesës suaj për të kremtuar 15-vjetorin e Kushtetutës, të gjithë ne, kryetarë dhe anëtarë të Gjykatave të tjera Kushtetuese, deshëm t’ju tregojmë solidaritetin tonë. Programi i konferencës pas kësaj ceremonie solemne do të jetë një mundësi për shkëmbime mbi temat që na shqetësojnë të gjithëve. Do të flasim për forcimin e demokracisë dhe shtetit ligjor nëpërmjet kontrollit kushtetues, për ndërveprimet me gjykatat supranacionale dhe kontrollin e kushtetutshmërisë së akteve. Mendoj se këto prezantime do të vejnë në pah sesi, përmes zgjidhjeve ndonjëherë të ndryshme, po punojmë në të njëjtin drejtim. 15 vjet më parë shumë instanca ndërkombëtare e kanë inkurajuar Republikën e re të Kosovës. Gjyka- ta juaj tani ka fituar vendin e saj dhe respektin që e shoqëron brenda komunitetit tonë të gjykatave. Ju merrni pjesë në ndërtimin e kuptimit dhe interpretimeve të përbashkëta jo vetëm duke integruar plotësisht praktikën gjyqësore përkatëse nga gjykatat e tjera, por edhe duke e bërë praktikën tuaj gjyqësore lehtësisht të qasshme. E vlerësoj veçanërisht faktin që ju e bëni atë në frëngjisht në faqen tuaj të internetit. Dhe jam i bindur se Gjykata juaj e ka vendin në kuadër të Shoqatës së Gjykatave Kushtetuese frankofone. Zonja Kryetare, të nderuar kolegë, “Kushtetuta”, duke pasur parasysh etimologjinë e saj, është ajo që “na mban të bashkuar”. Në fund të këtij fjalimi, dua të kujtoj, padyshim sikur ju, bashkësinë e vlerave për të cilat veprojmë dhe të cilat i mbrojmë. Kujtoj kërkesën tonë të përbashkët për ndarjen e pushteteve, për pavarësi, paanshmëri dhe respektim të ligjit. Kujtoj dialogun e nevojshëm ndërmjet gjyqtarëve kombëtarë dhe supranacional në veçanti për të përputhur evoluimin e kërkesave kushtetuese dhe respektimin e rregullave. Më në fund kujtoj solidarite- tin dhe vëllazërinë e gjykatave kushtetuese. Zonja Kryetare, Prandaj besoj se mund të veproj si zëdhënës i të gjitha gjykatave të pranishme këtu, duke ju shprehur mirënjohjen tonë që na bashkuat këtu dhe duke ju përgëzuar për detyrën e kryer tashmë. Laurent Fabius Kryetar i Këshillit Kushtetues të Republikës së Francës 47 Uvodno obraćanje g. Laurenta Fabiusa, predsednik Ustavnog saveta Republike Francuske Gospođo predsednice Ustavnog suda, Gospođo zamenice premijera, Gospođo ministarko pravde, Poštovana gospodo ministri, Dame i gospodo, poslanici Skupštine Kosova, Poštovana gospodo, predsednici nezavisnih pravosudnih institucija, Gospodine Sejdiu, bivši predsedniče Republike, Gospođo Jahjaga, bivša predsednice Republike, Poštovani predsednici opština, Dame i gospodo, pozvani predsednici ustavnih sudova, Dame i gospodo, ambasadori i predstavnici međunarodnih organizacija, Dame i gospodo, drage kolege i prijatelji, Iskreno Vam se zahvaljujem što ste me pozvali na manifestacije povodom 14. sudske godišnjice Suda i 15. godišnjice Vašeg Ustava. Omogućujući mi da govorim na ceremoniji otvaranja, osećam da šaljete znak prijateljstva ne samo francuskom ustavnom savetu, već i institucijama moje zemlje i, mogao bih reći, Francuskoj. U ovom slučaju vidim eho bratstva između Francuske i Kosova, koje se na mnogo načina javlja od 1999. go- dine, uključujući i oblast pravosuđa i izgradnje vladavine prava. Kao i svi prisutni, cenim postignuti napredak, dostignuća u pogledu vladavine prava za kratko vreme i naći ćete nas pored sebe da se suočimo sa poteškoćama koje još uvek treba da se reše. Jer, kao što svi znamo, mnoge poteškoće ostaju da se reše. Sadašnji period je opasan. Ovu reč treba koristiti bez lažne stidljivosti. Zakon i vladavina prava moraju prevladati. Čak je i moja zemlja, kroz svoju istoriju, prolazila kroz periode opasnosti. Naš sadašnji ustav proističe iz jednog od njih. 1. Ustavna kontrola i narodni suverenitet: primer Francuske Što se konkretno tiče francuskog iskustva, neću imati dovoljno vremena da ovde u potpunosti opišem put Ustavnog saveta od njegovog stvaranja 1958. godine. Međutim, želim da istaknem da je ovaj značajan put obeležen odlukama koje su na silu, ali i u potrazi za ravnotežom, oblikovale našu jurisprudenciju. Jedan od glavnih znakova u afirmaciji Ustavnog saveta, kao pravog Ustavnog suda, je odluka od 16. jula 1971. godine poznata kao „sloboda udruživanja“, kojom je Savet naglasio da je na njemu da proverava usklađenost zakona sa svim elementima koji se pojavljuju u katalogu osnovnih prava na 48 koje se francuski Ustav poziva, a to su čuvena Deklaracija o pravima čoveka i građanina iz 1789. go- dine, Preambula ustava iz 1946. godine i Povelja o životnoj sredini iz 2004. godine. Kontrola usklađenosti zakona sa našim ustavnim pravilima je uspostavljena u kontinuitetu, poseb- no od kada je sam Ustav 2008. godine kreirao Prioritetno pitanje ustavnosti, koje volim da zovem „građansko pitanje“. Ovo pitanje predstavlja demokratski napredak, jer omogućava svakom parniča- ru da predmet uputi Ustavnom savetu kroz filter viših instanci građanskog i krivičnog pravosuđa ili administrativnog pravosuđa da oceni usklađenost bilo kog zakona, bez obzira na datum njegovog donošenja, sa pravima i slobodama zagarantovanim Ustavom. To je veliki uspeh. Afirmacija Ustavnog saveta kao Ustavnog suda može se razumeti i kroz jurisprudenciju koja ga je stvorila i kroz „velike“ odluke koje je doneo. Proverom zakona koji su mu prezentovani, Ustavni savet je obezbedio poštovanje različitih načela: ravnopravnosti, sekularizma, slobode izražavanja, slobode savesti, prava na štrajk, prava na imovinu, poštovanja privatnog života, nepovredivosti doma, pravo na normalan porodični život, pretpostavku nevinosti i nedavno bratstvo, zaštitu životne sredine i budućih generacija – kao i neka druga ustavna načela. U našoj kontroli usklađenosti zakona sa ustavnim zahtevima, uvek uzimamo u obzir činjenicu da konstituent može unaprediti strukturu ovih zahteva, ali takođe znamo da njegova intervencija mora biti koncipirana u skladu sa pravilima predviđenim u Ustavu, osim ako se ukine. Vladavina prava svakako može evoluirati, ali vladavina zakona mora biti apsolutno očuvana. Isto važi i za način na koji Ustavni savet predviđa artikulaciju između nacionalnog prava i prava Ev- ropske unije. Sa ove tačke gledišta, naša kontrola doprinosi povećanju zaštite vladavine prava koja ne odražava konkurenciju, već komplementarnost između ustavnih funkcija u skladu sa odredbama Ugovora o Evropskoj uniji. Dodajem da se Ustavni savet, iako ne ocenjuje usaglašenost nacionalnog prava sa Evropskom konvencijom za zaštitu ljudskih prava, ipak fokusira na dijalog sa Evropskim sudom za ljudska prava, posebno u formi dijaloga naših sudskih praksi, sa zajedničkom perspek- tivom zaštite vladavine prava. 2. Z  ajedničke vrednosti sa Ustavom Kosova Nakon ovog kratkog osvrta na glavne osovine ustavne kontrole praktikovane u Francuskoj, želeo bih da podvučem konvergencije između prava i sloboda zaštićenih ustavima naše dve zemlje i mnogih prisutnih na ovoj svečanosti. Ustav Kosova, za koji garantujete da ćete ga poštovati slovom i duhom, imao je koristi od pozitivnih i negativnih iskustava drugih zemalja. Njegovi sastavljači su morali da uzmu u obzir i okolnosti koje su dovele od rata 1999. godine do nezavisnosti 2008. godine. Konkretno, u pogledu vrednosti na ko- jima se zasniva, Ustav Kosova je posebno moderan. Posebno sam iznenađen uvrštavanjem u Ustav međunarodnih tekstova u kojima Republika Kosovo još uvek nije strana. 49 Dakle, Ustav Kosova u svom članu 22 sadrži važne tekstove Ujedinjenih nacija, posebno Međunarod- ni pakt o građanskim i političkim pravima i Evropsku konvenciju o ljudskim pravima, kao i njene protokole. Ovim tekstovima daje veću vrednost od zakona u hijerarhiji standarda i priznaje njihovu direktnu primenljivost. Skupština Kosova je takođe želela da podrži normativni napredak, dajući istu vrednost međunarodnim tekstovima odobrenim posle 2008. godine. U ovoj odredbi, koja omogućava sprovođenje teksta u kojem Kosovo još uvek ne može da postane član, vi- dim hvale vrednu ambiciju da svojim građanima ponudi najbolju zaštitu prava. Vidim i legitimnu težnju da se pridruži ovim međunarodnim instrumentima. Francuska podržava ovu želju. Francuska paralelno već dugi niz godina aktivno radi na normalizaciji odnosa sa Srbijom, što je, uprkos poteškoćama, put ko- jim Republika Kosovo mora da ide kako bi našla mesto koje joj pripada u međunarodnoj zajednici. Francuska je potpisala ove tekstove, i u stvari, često ih je inspirisala. Mi delimo osnovu koju oni formiraju, ona nas ujedinjuje u demokratski i humanistički projekat. Želeo bih posebno da istaknem zajedničku tačku između naših vrednosti koje stvaraju prava i slobode zagarantovane našim relevantnim ustavima: sekularizam i neutralnost države u pitanjima verskog uverenja. Ovo načelo sekularizma je navedeno u prvom stavu prvog člana našeg Ustava. U njemu se navodi da je „Francuska nedeljiva, sekularna, demokratska i socijalna republika. Osigurava jednakost pred zakonom za sve građane, bez obzira na poreklo, rasu ili veru. Poštuje sve vere (…)“. U stvari, ovo načelo sekularizma je staro. Razdvajanje datira još od 1905. godine. Ustavni savet je odlukom od 21. februara 2013. godine uvrstio načelo sekularizma u jedno od Ustavom zagaranto- vanih prava u smislu člana 61, stav 1 Ustava. Ova odluka ima praktičan značaj: komponente sekular- izma, odnosno poštovanje svih vera, jednakost svih građana bez obzira na veroispovest i garancija bogosluženja, sada su sva prava koja parničari mogu pokrenuti. Sekularizam nije više samo načelo za organizovanje odnosa kultova sa javnim vlastima, on je sada postao izvor ili temelj individualnih prava. Svakako možemo imati plodonosan dijalog o ovoj temi i o pitanjima njene implementacije koja se mogu pojaviti. Još jedna oblast o kojoj možemo da razgovaramo, jer se krećemo u istom pravcu, je delikatna tema prava na brak za istopolne parove. Kada je usvojen, Ustav Kosova je po ovom pitanju bio korak na- pred u odnosu na odredbe koje su postojale u Francuskoj u isto vreme. Priznavanjem prava na brak bez ograničavanja na parove različitog pola, Kosovo je postavilo važan istorijski momenat na putu koji smo već prošli – 1999. godine smo ustanovili pravo za istopolne parove da stupe u građansko partnerstvo koje priznaje zakon. Ako mogu tako da se izrazim, postavili smo vas na ovaj put jedna- kosti i dostojanstva donošenjem zakona 2013. godine koji svima daje pravo na brak. Ova dva zakona, onaj iz 1999. godine i onaj iz 2013. godine, nisu lako usvojena. Imali smo rasprave, ponekad žestoke, i to pitanje je upućeno Ustavnom savetu. On je ocenio da izbor zakonodavca nije u suprotnosti ni sa jednim ustavnim načelom. Pažljivo iznosim ovu temu, jer znam da će se vašem parlamentu izneti tekst o reformi građanskog zakonika, da ovaj tekst može da sadrži odredbe o braku i da će na Us- tavnom sudu biti da oceni usaglašenost ovog budućeg zakona sa Ustavom. Stoga, neću ići dalje od pominjanja našeg iskustva ili sudske prakse Evropskog suda za ljudska prava. Međutim, naglašavam 50 – jer o tome treba razmisliti – kontrast između žestine, da ne kažem besa, rasprava koje su se vodile 2013. godine u Francuskoj, i mira koji se ponovo pojavio od donošenja zakona. Zašto ovaj mir? Mož- da zato što su sada svi shvatili da je ovaj zakon doneo neka nova prava, a da nije svima oduzeo prava. 3. Ustavni sudovi, garant vladavine prava Gospođo predsednice, dame i gospodo, „Svako društvo u kome nije zagarantovana sigurnost prava i nije definisana podela vlasti nema ustav“: to je jasno i snažno rečeno u Deklaraciji o pravima čoveka i građanina od 26. avgusta 1789. godine. Dozvolite mi da pomenem jedan od ovih aspekata, onaj o nezavisnosti pravde. Gospođo predsednice, organizacija pravosuđa u institucijama Republike Kosovo čini vaš sud ekviv- alentnim sa naše tri francuske institucije: sa Ustavnim savetom, Državnim savetom, vrhovni organ administrativne pravde, i Kasacionim sudom. Razumem opterećenje posla, a posebno težinu vaših odgovornosti. Pored organizacionih specifičnosti svake zemlje, nezavisnost pravosuđa je u središtu jurisprudencije Ev- ropskog suda za ljudska prava, koji posvećuje najveću pažnju statutarnoj i funkcionalnoj zaštiti pravo- suđa u suočavanju sa rizicima uplitanja od strane izvršne vlasti. Formalne garancije i nesmetano odvi- janje procedura za imenovanje sudija i tužilaca su u središtu vladavine prava, a samim tim i pravilnog funkcionisanja institucija. Pažljiv izbor sudija i blagovremeno imenovanje organa nadležnih za pravilno funkcionisanje pravosuđa zaslužuju stalnu pažnju. Evropske institucije, Venecijanska komisija, kojoj odajem počast, i uopšteno institucije Saveta Ev- rope, kome Kosovo želi da se pridruži, mogu vam pomoći. Podela vlasti na kojoj ste insistirali, gospođo predsednice, je nesumnjivo suštinska. Ona se posebno zasniva na poštovanju (već presuđene stvari) res judicata. To je pre svega odgovornost izvršne vlasti da obezbedi da se odluke sudova efikasno sprovode, bilo da se radi o prvostepenim odlukama ili, nar- avno, o odlukama Ustavnog suda. To je konstitutivni princip vladavine prava, kao i garancija pravne sigurnosti bez koje se nijedna ekonomija ne može održivo razvijati, nijedno društvo ne može istinski cvetati i nijedna demokratija ne može zaslužiti njeno ime. Poštovanje res judicata takođe znači obezbeđivanje delotvornosti garancija i zaštite predviđenih us- tavnim ili zakonodavnim tekstovima. Kosovo u tekstovima garantuje visok stepen zaštite manjina, odnosno zajednica i njihovih pripadnika, kojima je posvećeno jedno celo poglavlje vašeg Ustava. Ovu zaštitu moraju svakodnevno da vide i osećaju pripadnici manjinskih zajednica koji ovde žive. Kosovo, koje je međunarodna zajednica (barem većina njenih članica) želela da vidi, je nezavisno multietničko Kosovo. Održavanje ove ravnoteže u životu i funkcionisanju je ključno za uspeh ovog projekta i vaš sud igra i igraće značajnu ulogu. 51  4. Međunarodno pozicioniranje Suda Svestan sam da se kao konačni tumač Ustava ponekad možete osećati usamljeno pred očekivanjima, kritikama, pa čak i pritiscima drugih. Situacija sudija je retko laka. Pošto smo se u velikoj meri odaz- vali Vašem pozivu za proslavu 15. godišnjice Ustava, svi mi, predsednici i članovi drugih ustavnih sudova, želeli smo da Vam pokažemo našu solidarnost. Program konferencije nakon ove svečane ceremonije biće prilika za razmenu tema koje se tiču svih nas. Govorićemo o jačanju demokratije i vladavine prava kroz ustavnu kontrolu, o interakciji sa nad- nacionalnim sudovima i kontroli ustavnosti akata. Smatram da će ove prezentacije ukazati na to kako, kroz ponekad različita rešenja, radimo u istom pravcu. Pre 15 godina, mnoga međunarodna tela su podsticala novu Republiku Kosovo. Vaš Sud je sada zaslužio svoje mesto i poštovanje koje ga prati u našoj sudskoj zajednici. Učestvujete u izgradnji za- jedničkog razumevanja i tumačenja ne samo tako što ćete u potpunosti integrisati relevantnu sudsku praksu drugih sudova, već i tako što svoju sudsku praksu učinite lako dostupnom. Posebno cenim činjenicu da to radite na francuskom jeziku na vašoj internet stranici. I uveren sam da Vaš Sud ima svoje mesto u Asocijaciji frankofonih ustavnih sudova. Gospođo predsednice, poštovane kolege, „Ustav“, s obzirom na njegovu etimologiju, je ono što nas „drži zajedno“. Na kraju ovog govora želim da se setim, sigurno kao i vi, zajednice vrednosti za koju delujemo i koju branimo. Sećam se našeg zajedničkog zahteva za podelu vlasti, nezavisnost, nepristrasnost i poštovanje zakona. Sećam se neo- phodnog dijaloga između nacionalnih i nadnacionalnih sudija posebno kako bi se uskladio sa raz- vojem ustavnih zahteva i poštovanjem pravila. Konačno, sećam se solidarnosti i bratstva ustavnih sudova. Gospođo predsednice, Stoga, verujem da mogu da budem portparol svih sudova koji su ovde prisutni, izražavajući našu zahvalnost što ste nas okupili ovde i čestitajući vam na već obavljenom zadatku. Laurenta Fabiusa Predsednik Ustavnog saveta Republike Francuske 52 Keynote address by Mr. Laurent Fabius, President of the Constitutional Council of the Republic of France Madam President of the Constitutional Court, Madam Deputy Prime Minister, Madam Minister of Justice, Dear Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen, deputies of the Assembly of Kosovo, Dear gentlemen, presidents of independent judicial institutions, Mr. Sejdiu, former President of the Republic, Mrs. Jahjaga, former President of the Republic, Dear presidents of municipalities, Ladies and Gentlemen, invited presidents of the Constitutional Courts, Ladies and Gentlemen, ambassadors and representatives of international organizations, Ladies and Gentlemen, dear colleagues and friends, I sincerely thank you for inviting me to the manifestations of the 14th judicial anniversary of the Court and the 15th anniversary of your Constitution. By allowing me to speak at the opening ceremony, I feel that you are sending a sign of friendship not only to the French Constitutional Council, but also to the institutions of my country and, perhaps I might say, to France. In this case, I see the echo of the brotherhood between France and Kosovo, which has appeared in many ways since 1999, including in the field of justice and the building of the rule of law. As all of you present here, I appreciate the progress made, the achievements in terms of the rule of law in a short time, and you will find us by your side to face the difficulties that still remain to be solved. Be- cause, as we all know, many difficulties remain to be resolved. The current period is dangerous. This word should be used without false shyness. Law and the rule of law must prevail. Even my country, throughout its history, has gone through periods of danger. Our current constitution stems from one of them. 1. Constitutional control and popular sovereignty: the example of France Precisely regarding the French experience, I will not have enough time to fully describe here the journey of the Constitutional Council since its creation in 1958. However, I want to emphasize that this significant path has been marked by decisions that have shaped our jurisprudence with force, but also in search of balance. One of the main signs in the affirmation of the Constitutional Council as a true Constitutional Court is the decision of 16 July 1971 known as “freedom of association” whereby the Council emphasized that it is up to it to check the compatibility of laws with all the elements that appear in the catalog of 53 fundamental rights to which the French Constitution refers, namely the famous Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789, the Preamble of the Constitution of 1946 and the Charter for the Environment of 2004. The control of the compatibility of laws with our constitutional rules has been established continuously, especially since the creation by the Constituent itself in 2008 of the Priority Issue of Constitutionality, which I like to call the “citizen issue”. This case constitutes a democratic progress as it enables any litigant in a trial to refer the case to the Constitutional Council through the filter of higher instances of civil and criminal justice or administrative justice to assess the compatibility of any law, regardless of the date of its adoption, with the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a great success. The affirmation of the Constitutional Council as a Constitutional Court can be understood through the case law that it created and through the “big” decisions it rendered. By checking the laws submit- ted before it, the Constitutional Council ensured respect for various principles: equality, secularism, freedom of expression, freedom of conscience, the right to strike, the right to property, respect for private life, the inviolability of the home, the right to have a normal family life, the presumption of innocence and finally fraternity, the protection of the environment and future generations - as well as some other constitutional principles. In our control of the compatibility of the law with the constitutional requirements, we always take into account the fact that the constituent can advance the structure of these requirements, but we also know that its intervention must be conceived in accordance with the rules provided in the Con- stitution, unless repealed. The rule of law can certainly evolve, but the rule of law must be absolutely preserved. The same applies to the way the Constitutional Council envisages the articulation between national law and European Union law. From this point of view, our control contributes to increasing the protection of the rule of law that reflects not competition, but complementarity between constitutional offices in accordance with the terms of the European Union Treaty. I add that the Constitutional Council, although it does not assess the compatibility of the national law with the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights, nevertheless focuses on the dialogue with the European Court of Human Rights, espe- cially in the form of the dialogue of our case laws, with a common perspective of protecting the rule of law. 2. C  ommon values with the Constitution of Kosovo After this brief evocation of the main axes of constitutional control practiced in France, I would like to underline the convergences between the rights and freedoms protected by the constitutions of our two countries and of many of those present at this ceremony. The Constitution of Kosovo, to which you guarantee respect in letter and spirit, has benefited from the positive and negative experiences of other countries. Its drafters had to take into account the circum- stances that led from the war of 1999 to the independence of 2008. In particular, in terms of the values on which it rests, the Constitution of Kosovo is particularly modern. I am particularly surprised by the inclusion in the Constitution of international texts to which the Republicof Kosovo is not yet a party. 54 Thus, the Constitution of Kosovo contains in its Article 22 the important texts of the United Nations, in particular the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights as well as its protocols. It gives these texts a higher value than the law in the hierarchy of stan- dards and recognizes their direct applicability. The Assembly of Kosovo has also wished to support normative progress by giving the same value to international texts approved after 2008. In this provision which enables the implementation of a text to which Kosovo cannot yet join, I see the commendable ambition to offer your citizens the best protection of rights. I also see the legiti- mate aspiration to be able to join these international instruments. France supports this desire. In a parallel way, for many years France has been actively working towards the normalization of relations with Serbia, which, despite the difficulties, is the path that the Republic of Kosovo must follow in order to find its rightful place in the international community. France has signed these texts, in fact, it has often inspired them. We share the foundation they form, it unites us in a democratic and humanistic project. I would like to point out in particular a common point between our values that create the rights and freedoms guaranteed by our respective Constitutions: secularism and the neutrality of the state in matters of religious belief. This principle of secularism is stated in the first paragraph of the first ar- ticle of our Constitution. It states that “France shall be an indivisible, secular, democratic and social Republic. It shall ensure the equality of all citizens before the law, without distinction of origin, race or religion. It shall respect all beliefs (…)”. In fact, this principle of secularism is old. The separation dates back to 1905. The Constitutional Council, by a decision dated 21 February 2013, made the principle of secularism one of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution in terms of Article 61§1 of the Constitution. This decision has prac- tical significance: the components of secularism, namely the respect of all beliefs, the equality of all citizens regardless of religion and the guarantee of worship, are now all rights that can be initiated by litigants. Secularism is no longer just a principle for organizing the relations of cults with public authorities, it has now become the source or foundation of individual rights. We can undoubtedly have a fruitful dialogue on this topic and on the implementation issues that may arise. Another issue we can discuss because we are moving in the same direction is the sensitive topic of the right to marriage of same-sex couples. When it was adopted, the Constitution of Kosovo was on this sub- ject a step forward compared to the provisions that existed in France at the same time. By recognizing the right to marry without limiting it to couples of different sexes, Kosovo has set an important historical moment on a path that we had already passed - in 1999 we established the right for same-sex couples to enter into a civil partnership recognized by law. If I may say so, we have put you on this path of equality and dignity by passing a law in 2013 that gives everyone the right to marry. These two laws, the one of 1999 and the one of 2013, were not easily approved. We had debates, several times severe, and the mat- ter went to the Constitutional Council. It ruled that the election of the legislator was not contrary to any constitutional principle. I present this topic carefully, because I know that your Parliament will present a text reforming the civil code, that this text may include provisions on marriage, and that it will be up to the Constitutional Court to assess the compatibility of this future law with the Constitution. Therefore, I 55 will not go beyond mentioning our experience or the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. However, I emphasize - because this should be pondered - the contrast between the vigor, not to say the fury, of the debates that took place in 2013 in France, and the serenity that has reappeared since the law was passed. Why this calm? Maybe because everyone has now realized that this law brought some new rights without taking away any rights from everyone. 3. Constitutional courts, guaranteeing the rule of law Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, “A society in which the observance of the law is not as- sured, nor the separation of powers defined, has no constitution at all.”: this was said, clearly and strongly, in the Declaration of Human and Citizen Rights on 26 August 1789. Let me mention one of these aspects, that of the independence of justice. Madam President, the organization of justice in the institutions of the Republic of Kosovo makes your court equivalent to our three French institutions: the Constitutional Council, the Council of State, the supreme body of administrative justice and the Court of Cassation. I understand the work- load and especially the weight of the responsibilities that are yours. Beyond the organizational specifics of each country, the independence of justice is at the center of the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, which devotes the greatest vigilance to the statutory and functional protection of the judiciary in the face of the risks of interference from the executive power. Formal guarantees and the smooth running of the procedures for the appointment of judges and prosecutors are at the center of the rule of law and therefore the proper functioning of the institutions. The careful selection of judges and the timely appointment of authorities responsi- ble for the proper functioning of justice deserve constant attention. The European institutions, the Venice Commission to which I pay tribute, and more generally the institutions of the Council of Europe, which Kosovo wants to join, can help you. Separation of powers, which you insisted on Madam President, is obviously essential. It is based in particular on the respect of (adjudicated matter) res judicata. It is primarily the executive’s respon- sibility to ensure that the decisions of the courts are effectively implemented, be they first instance decisions or, of course, decisions of the Constitutional Court. It is a constitutive principle of the rule of law, it is also the guaranteeing of legal certainty without which no economy can develop sustain- ably, no society can truly flourish and no democracy can deserve its name. Respecting res judicata also means ensuring the effectiveness of guarantees and protections pro- vided by constitutional or legislative texts. Kosovo guarantees in the texts a high degree of protec- tion of minorities or rather of communities and their members, to whom a whole chapter of your Constitution is dedicated. This protection must be seen and felt every day by the members of the minority communities who live here. The Kosovo, which the international community (at least most of its members) wanted to see independent, is a multi-ethnic Kosovo. Keeping this balance alive and functioning is key to the success of this project and your Court plays and will play a significant role. 56  4. International positioning of the Court I am aware that as the ultimate interpreter of the Constitution you can sometimes feel alone in the face of expectations and even pressure from others. The situation of judges is rarely easy. Having largely responded to your invitation to celebrate the 15th anniversary of the Constitution, all of us, presidents and members of other Constitutional Courts, wanted to show you, our solidarity. The conference program after this solemn ceremony will be an opportunity for exchanges on topics that concern us all. We will talk about the strengthening of democracy and the rule of law through constitutional control, about interactions with supranational courts and control of the constitution- ality of acts. I think that these presentations will highlight how, through sometimes different solu- tions, we are working in the same direction. 15 years ago, many international instances encouraged the new Republic of Kosovo. Your Court has now earned its place and the respect that goes with it within our court community. You participate in building shared understanding and interpretations not only by fully integrating relevant case law of other courts, but also by making your own case law easily accessible. I especially appreciate the fact that you do it in French on your website. And I am convinced that your Court has its place within the Association of Francophone Constitutional Courts. Madam President, dear colleagues, “Constitution”, given its etymology, is what “holds us together”. At the end of this speech, I want to recall, obviously like you, the community of values for which we act and which we protect. I recall our common demand for independence, impartiality and respect for the law. I recall the necessary dialogue between national and supranational judges in particular to match the evolution of consti- tutional requirements and respect for the rules. Finally, I remember the solidarity and brotherhood of the constitutional courts. Madam President, Therefore, I believe that I can act as a spokesperson for all the courts present here, expressing our gratitude for joining us here and congratulating you on the task already accomplished. Laurent Fabius President of the Constitutional Council of the Republic of France 57 Discours d’ouverture de M. Laurent Fabius, Président du Conseil Constitutionnel de la République française Madame la Présidente de la Cour constitutionnelle, Madame la vice Première Ministre, Madame la Ministre de la Justice, Messieurs les Ministres, Mesdames et Messieurs les Membres de l’Assemblée du Kosovo, Messieurs les Présidents des institutions judicaires indépendantes, Monsieur Sedjiu, ancien Président de la République, Madame Jahjaga, ancienne Présidente de la République, Messieurs les Maires, Mesdames et Messieurs les Présidentes et Présidents des Cours constitutionnelles invitées, Mesdames et Messieurs les Ambassadrices et Ambassadeurs et Représentants des organisations in- ternationales, Mesdames et Messieurs, chers collègues et amis. Je vous remercie chaleureusement de m’avoir invité aux manifestations marquant la 14e année judi- ciaire de la Cour et les 15 ans de votre Constitution. En me proposant d’y prendre la parole dans la cérémonie d’ouverture, je ressens que vous adressez un signe d’amitié non seulement au Conseil constitutionnel français mais aussi aux institutions de mon pays et, oserai-je dire, à la France. J’y vois l’écho de la fraternité entre la France et le Kosovo, qui s’est manifestée de bien des manières depuis 1999, y compris dans le domaine de la justice et de la construction de l’Etat de droit. Comme chacune et chacun ici, j’apprécie le chemin parcouru, les réalisations en matière d’Etat de droit en peu de temps et vous nous trouverez à vos côtés pour faire face aux difficultés qui restent encore à résoudre. Car il reste, chacun en est conscient, de nombreuses difficultés à résoudre. La période actuelle est dangereuse. Il faut utiliser ce mot sans fausse pudeur. Le droit et l’Etat de droit doivent prévaloir. Mon pays est également passé, dans son histoire, par des périodes de dangers. Notre Constitution actuelle est d’ailleurs issue de l’une d’entre elle. 1. Contrôle constitutionnel et souveraineté populaire: l’exemple de la France S’agissant précisément de l’expérience française, je manquerai de temps pour décrire ici de manière complète le chemin du Conseil constitutionnel depuis sa création en 1958. 58 Je veux cependant souligner que ce chemin considérable a été jalonné de décisions qui ont façonné notre jurisprudence avec force mais aussi dans une recherche d’équilibre. L’un des jalons principaux de l’affirmation du Conseil constitutionnel en véritable Cour constitution- nelle est la décision du 16 juillet 1971 dite « liberté d’association » par laquelle le Conseil a affirmé qu’il lui revient de contrôler la conformité des lois avec l’ensemble des éléments figurant dans le catalogue des droits fondamentaux auquel se réfère la Constitution française, c’est-à-dire la fameuse Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen de 1789, le Préambule de la Constitution de 1946 et la Charte de l’environnement de 2004. Le contrôle de la conformité des lois à nos règles constitutionnelles s’est ensuite déployé constam- ment, notamment depuis la création par le Constituant lui-même en 2008 de la Question Prioritaire de Constitutionnalité que j’aime à appeler la « question citoyenne ». Celle-ci a constitué un progrès démocratique puisqu’elle permet à chaque justiciable partie à un procès de saisir le Conseil constitu- tionnel via le filtre de la des plus hautes instances de la justice civile et pénale ou de la justice admi- nistrative pour contester la conformité de toute loi, quelle que soit sa date d’adoption, aux droits et libertés que la Constitution garantit. C’est un grand succès. L’affirmation du Conseil constitutionnel comme Cour constitutionnelle se lit aussi à travers la jurispru- dence qu’il a forgée et les « grandes » décisions qu’il a rendues. En contrôlant les lois dont il a été saisi, le Conseil constitutionnel a veillé au respect de divers principes : égalité, laïcité, liberté d’expression, liberté de conscience, droit de grève, droit de propriété, respect de la vie privée, inviolabilité du domicile, droit de mener une vie familiale normale, présomption d’innocence, et récemment fraternité, protection de l’environnement et des générations futures – ainsi que plusieurs autres principes constitutionnels. Dans notre contrôle de la conformité de la loi aux exigences constitutionnelles, nous ne perdons ja- mais de vue que le constituant est susceptible de faire évoluer le corpus de ces exigences, mais nous savons aussi que son intervention doit elle-même être conçue dans le respect des règles inscrites dans la Constitution, sauf à la priver de sa force. L’état de droit peut bien sûr évoluer, mais l’Etat de droit, lui, doit être absolument préservé. Il en est de même pour la manière dont le Conseil constitutionnel conçoit l’articulation entre le droit national et le droit de l’Union européenne. De ce point de vue, notre contrôle contribue à une protection augmentée de l’Etat de droit qui traduit, non pas une concurrence, mais une complémen- tarité entre les offices constitutionnel conformément aux termes du Traité sur l’Union européenne. J’ajoute que le Conseil constitutionnel, s’il n’est pas juge de la conformité de la loi nationale à la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme, est également très attaché au dialogue qu’il conduit avec la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme, sous la forme notamment du dialogue de nos jurisprudences, dans une optique partagée de protection de l’Etat de droit. 59  2. L  es valeurs partagées avec la Constitution du Kosovo A l’issue de cette brève évocation des lignes de force du contrôle constitutionnel pratiqué en France, je souhaiterais souligner les convergences entre les droits et libertés protégées par les constitutions de nos deux pays et de beaucoup de ceux qui sont présents dans cette cérémonie. La Constitution kosovare, dont vous garantissez le respect dans la lettre et dans l’esprit, a bénéficié des expériences positives et négatives d’autres pays. Ses rédacteurs ont aussi eu à prendre en compte les circonstances qui ont conduit de la guerre de 1999 à l’indépendance de 2008. S’agissant en par- ticulier des valeurs sur lesquelles elle repose, elle est particulièrement moderne. Je suis notamment frappé par l’inclusion dans la Constitution de textes internationaux auxquels la république du Koso- vo n’est pas encore partie. La Constitution du Kosovo intègre ainsi dans son article 22 les grands textes des Nations unies, en particulier le Pacte sur les droits civils et politiques et la Convention européenne des droits de l’Homme ainsi que ses protocoles. Elle donne à ces textes une valeur supérieure à la loi dans la hié- rarchie des normes et leur reconnait une applicabilité directe. L’Assemblée du Kosovo a également souhaité accompagner les progrès normatifs en donnant la même valeur à des textes internationaux adoptés postérieurement à 2008. Je vois dans cette disposition, qui permet d’appliquer un texte auquel le Kosovo ne peut encore adhérer, l’ambition louable d’offrir la meilleure protection des droits à vos citoyens. J’y vois aussi l’aspiration légitime de pouvoir adhérer à ces instruments internationaux. La France soutient ce sou- hait. En parallèle elle œuvre activement, depuis de nombreuses années, en vue de la normalisation des relations avec la Serbie qui, malgré les difficultés, est la voie à suivre pour que la République du Kosovo puisse trouver toute la place qui lui revient dans la communauté internationale. Ces textes, la France les a elle-même signés, elle les a d’ailleurs souvent inspirés. Ils forment un socle que nous avons en commun, qui nous arriment ensemble dans un projet démocratique et humaniste. Je souhaite relever notamment un point commun entre nos valeurs qui fondent les droits et les li- bertés garantis par nos Constitutions respectives : celui de la laïcité et de la neutralité de l’Etat en matière de convictions religieuses. Ce principe de laïcité est inscrit dès le premier alinéa du premier article de notre Constitution. Il dispose que « la France est une République indivisible, laïque, démo- cratique et sociale. Elle assure l’égalité devant la loi de tous les citoyens, sans distinction d’origine, de race ou de religion. Elle respecte toutes les croyances (…) ». Dans les faits, ce principe de laïcité est ancien. La séparation remonte en effet à 1905. Dans une dé- cision du 21 février 2013, le Conseil constitutionnel a fait du principe de laïcité l’un des droits que la Constitution garantit au sens de l’article 61§1 de la Constitution. Cette décision a une portée pra- tique : les composantes de la laïcité, c’est à dire le respect de toutes les croyances, l’égalité de tous les citoyens sans distinction de religion et la garantie des cultes, sont désormais autant de droits suscep- 60 tibles d’être actionnés par les justiciables. La laïcité n’est plus seulement un principe pour organiser les rapports des cultes avec les pouvoirs publics, elle est devenue la source ou le fondement de droits individuels. Sans doute pourrions-nous avoir un dialogue fructueux sur ce sujet et sur les questions d’application qu’il peut soulever. Il est un autre domaine dans lequel nous pourrions avoir matière à échanger car nous cheminons dans la même direction, c’est celui, délicat, du droit au mariage pour les couples de même sexe. Lors de son adoption, la Constitution du Kosovo était sur ce sujet en avance par rapport aux dispositions existant en France au même moment. En reconnaissant le droit au mariage sans le limiter aux couples de sexe différent, le Kosovo a posé un jalon important sur un chemin que nous-mêmes avions déjà emprunté – nous avions établi en 1999 le droit pour les couples de même sexe d’entrer dans un partenariat civil reconnu par la loi. Nous vous avons, si je puis dire, rattrapé sur ce chemin d’égalité et de dignité en adoptant en 2013 une loi qui ouvre à tous le droit au mariage. Ces deux lois, celle de 1999 et celle de 2013 n’ont pas été adoptées facilement. Des débats parfois virulents ont eu lieu et le Conseil constitu- tionnel a été saisi. Il a jugé que le choix du législateur n’était contraire à aucun principe constitutionnel. J’évoque ce sujet avec précaution car je sais que votre Parlement devrait être saisi d’un texte portant ré- forme du code civil, que ce texte pourrait comprendre des dispositions sur ce sujet et qu’il reviendrait à la Cour constitutionnelle d’apprécier la conformité de cette future loi avec la Constitution. Je me borne donc à faire mention de notre expérience ou encore de la jurisprudence de la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme. Je souligne néanmoins – car ceci doit être médité – le contraste entre la vigueur, pour ne pas dire la fureur, des débats qui ont eu lieu en 2013 en France, et la sérénité retrouvée depuis l’adoption de la loi. Pourquoi cette sérénité ? Probablement parce que chacun a désormais compris que cette loi a apporté un droit nouveau à certains sans enlever aucun droit à tous. 3. Les cours constitutionnelles, garantes de l’Etat de droit Madame le Présidente, mesdames, messieurs, « Toute société dans laquelle la garantie des droits n’est pas assurée, ni la séparation des pouvoirs déterminée, n’a point de constitution » : voilà ce que posait avec clarté et force la Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen du 26 août 1789. Per- mettez-moi d’évoquer un de ces aspects, celui de l’indépendance de la justice. Madame la Présidente, l’organisation de la justice dans les institutions de la République du Kosovo fait de votre cour l’équivalente de trois de nos institutions françaises : le Conseil constitutionnel, le Conseil d’Etat, organe suprême de la justice administrative et la Cour de cassation. J’imagine la charge de travail et surtout le poids des responsabilités qui sont les vôtres. Au-delà des spécificités d’organisation de chaque pays, l’indépendance de la justice est au cœur de la jurisprudence de la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme qui accorde la plus grande vigilance à la protection statutaire et fonctionnelle du pouvoir judiciaire face aux risques d’ingérence du pouvoir exécutif. Les garanties formelles et le bon déroulement des procédures de nomination des juges et des procureurs sont au cœur de l’Etat de droit et par conséquent du bon fonctionnement des insti- 61 tutions. La sélection attentive des juges comme la désignation en temps voulu des autorités respon- sables du bon fonctionnement de la justice méritent une attention toujours renouvelée. Les institutions européennes, la Commission de Venise à laquelle je rends hommage, plus générale- ment celles du Conseil de l’Europe, que le Kosovo souhaite rejoindre, sont là pour vous aider. La séparation des pouvoirs sur laquelle vous avez insisté Madame la Présidente est évidemment essentielle. Elle repose notamment sur le respect de la chose jugée. Il appartient, principalement à l’exécutif, de faire en sorte que les décisions de justice soient effectivement appliquées, qu’il s’agisse de décisions de première instance et, bien entendu, des décisions de la Cour constitutionnelle. C’est un principe constitutif de l’Etat de droit, c’est aussi l’assurance d’une sécurité juridique sans laquelle aucune économie ne peut durablement se développer, aucune société ne peut vraiment s’épanouir et aucune démocratie ne peut mériter son nom. Le respect de la chose jugée, c’est aussi l’assurance de l’effectivité des garanties et protections que fournissent les textes constitutionnels ou législatifs. Le Kosovo garantit dans les textes un haut de- gré de protection aux minorités ou plutôt aux communautés et à leurs membres, à qui un chapitre entier de votre Constitution est consacré. Cette protection doit être constatée et ressentie chaque jour par les membres des communautés minoritaires qui vivent ici. Le Kosovo que la communauté internationale (du moins la majorité de ses membres) a souhaité voir indépendant est un Kosovo multiethnique. Maintenir vivant et fonctionnel cet équilibre est une clé de la réussite de ce projet et votre Cour joue et jouera un rôle considérable. 4. Le positionnement international de la Cour Je n’ignore pas qu’être l’interprète ultime de la Constitution suppose quelques moments de solitude face aux attentes, aux critiques, voire aux pressions des uns et des autres. La situation des juges est rarement facile. En répondant nombreux à votre invitation pour célébrer les 15 ans de la Constitu- tion, nous tous, Présidents et membres des autres Cours constitutionnelles, nous avons souhaité vous témoigner notre solidarité. Le programme du colloque à l’issue de cette cérémonie solennelle sera l’occasion d’échanges sur des sujets qui nous concernent tous. Seront évoqués le renforcement de la démocratie et de l’Etat de droit par le contrôle constitutionnel, les interactions avec les cours supranationales, le contrôle de la constitutionnalité des actes. Je pense que ces travaux mettront en lumière combien, par des solu- tions parfois différentes, nous œuvrons dans le même sens. De nombreuses instances internationales se sont penchées sur le berceau de la jeune République du Kosovo il y a 15 ans. Désormais votre Cour a gagné sa place et le respect qui l’accompagne au sein de notre communauté de juridictions. Vous participez à la construction de compréhensions et d’interprétations communes non seulement en intégrant pleinement les jurisprudences pertinentes d’autres Cours, mais aussi en rendant aisément accessible votre propre jurisprudence. Je suis parti- culièrement sensible à ce que vous le fassiez en français sur votre site. Et je suis persuadé que votre 62 Cour a toute sa place au sein de l’Association des cours constitutionnelles francophones. Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, Une « Constitution », compte tenu de son étymologie, c’est ce qui « nous tient ensemble ». Au terme de ce propos, je retiens, sans doute comme vous, la communauté de valeurs qui nous anime et que nous défendons. Je retiens notre commune exigence de séparation des pouvoirs, d’indépendance, d’impartialité et de respect du droit. Je retiens le nécessaire dialogue des juges nationaux et supra- nationaux afin notamment de concilier l’évolution des exigences constitutionnelles et le respect des règles. Je retiens enfin la solidarité et la confraternité des cours constitutionnelles. Madame la Présidente, je crois donc pouvoir me faire le porte-parole de toutes les cours ici présentes en vous exprimant notre gratitude de nous avoir réunis ici et en vous félicitant pour la tâche déjà accomplie. Laurent Fabius Président du Conseil Constitutionnel de la République française 63 64 65 66  KONFERENCA NDËRKOMBËTARE “Kontributi i Gjykatave Kushtetuese në mbrojtjen dhe forcimin e vlerave themelore të demokracisë, sundimit të ligjit dhe të drejtave dhe lirive themelore të njeriut” Prishtinë, 23 tetor 2023 MEĐUNARODNA KONFERENCIJA “Doprinos ustavnih sudova u zaštiti i jačanju osnovnih vred- nosti demokratije, vladavine prava i osnovnih ljudskih prava i sloboda” Priština, 23. Oktobra 2023. godine INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE “The Contribution of Constitutional Courts in Protecting and Strengthening Fundamental Values of Democracy, Rule of Law, and Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms” Prishtina, 23 October 2023 CONFÉRENCE INTERNATIONALE “La contribution des Cours Constitutionnelles à la protection et au renforcement des valeurs fondamentales de la démocratie, de l'état de droit et des droits et libertés fondamentaux de l'homme” Prishtina, 23 octobre 2023 67 KONFERENCA NDËRKOMBËTARE “Kontributi i Gjykatave Kushtetuese në mbrojtjen dhe forcimin e vlerave themelore të demokracisë, sundimit të ligjit dhe të drejtave dhe lirive themelore të njeriut” Salla “Beethoven” , Hoteli “Emerald”, Prishtinë 24 tetor 2023 AGJENDA 08:30 - 09:00 Regjistrimi 09:00 - 09:15 Fjala përshëndetëse dhe hyrëse nga znj. Gresa Caka-Nimani, Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës SESIONI I “Roli i Gjykatave Kushtetuese në forcimin e vlerave të demokracisë dhe sun- dimit të ligjit përmes kontrollit abstrakt të kushtetutshmërisë së normave” Moderatore: znj. Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, gjyqtare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës 09:15 - 09:25 z. Zühtü Arslan, Kryetar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Turqisë “Vlerësimi abstrakt i kushtetutshmërisë në Turqi: Zhvillimet e fundit”” 09:25 - 09:35 znj. Holta Zaçaj, Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Shqipërisë “Roli i Gjykatës Kushtetuese si ligjvënës negativ” 09:35 - 09:45 z Aldis Laviņš, Kryetar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Letonisë “Roli i gjykatave kushtetuese në harmonizimin e zbatimit të së drejtës së BE-së dhe asaj ndërkombëtare me identitetin kushtetues” 09:45 - 09:55 z. Georg Lienbacher, Gjyqtar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Austrisë “Roli i Gjykatave Kushtetuese në forcimin e vlerave të demokracisë dhe sundim- it të ligjit nëpërmjet kontrollit abstrakt të kushtetutshmërisë së normave” 09:55 - 10:05 z. José Figueiredo Dias, Gjyqtar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Portugalisë “Roli i Gjykatave Kushtetuese në forcimin e vlerave të demokracisë dhe sundim- it të ligjit përmes kontrollit abstrakt të kushtetutshmërisë së normave – pasqyrë e përgjithshme nga sistemi portugez” 10:05 - 10:15 znj. Marie Baker, Gjyqtare e Gjykatës Supreme të Irlandës “Gjykatat Supreme si gardiane të Kushtetutës” 68 10:15 - 10:25 z. Tom Ginsburg, Profesor i së Drejtës Kushtetuese Krahasuese në Shkollën Ju- ridike të Çikagos “Kontrolli abstrakt i normave dhe ligjbërja gjyqësore: Efekti në reputacionin gjyqësor” 10:25 - 10:45 Sesioni I: Diskutim i hapur 10:45 - 11:00 Pushimi i kafes SESIONI II “Roli i Gjykatave Supranacionale në Vendimmarrjen e Gjykatave Kushtetuese: Ndërveprimi me Gjykatën Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut, Gjykatën e Dre- jtësisë së Bashkimit Evropian, Gjykatën Afrikane për të Drejtat e Njeriut dhe Popujve dhe Komisionin e Venecias” Moderatore: znj. Remzije Istrefi-Peci, gjyqtare në Gjykatën Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës 11:00 - 11:10 z. Pierre Nihoul, Kryetar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Belgjikës “Marrëdhënia ndërmjet Kushtetutës së Belgjikës dhe së Drejtës Ndërkombëtare dhe Evropiane” 11:10 - 11:20 znj. Anna Austin, Juristkonsulte e Gjykatës Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut “Parimi i subsidiaritetit dhe GJEDNJ: Duke i shërbyer si Diversitetit ashtu edhe Konvergjencës” 11:20 - 11:30 znj. Grainne McMorrow, Përfaqësuese e Komisionit të Venecias “Roli i Komisionit të Venecias në mbështetjen e demokracisë dhe promovimit të zhvillimit të Gjykatave Kushtetuese ndërkombëtarisht” 11:30 - 11:40 z. Mirsad Ceman, Nënkryetar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Bosnjës dhe Hercegovinës “Ndikimi i praktikës gjyqësore së Gjykatës Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut në praktikën gjyqësore të gjykatave vendore në Bosnje dhe Hercegovinë” 11:40 - 11:50 z. Atanas Semov, gjyqtar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Bullgarisë “Dialogu në mes të gjykatave kushtetuese vendore dhe Gjykatës së Drejtësisë të Bashkimit Evropian si gjykatë kushtetuese e BE-së” 11:50 - 12:00 z. Louis Aucoin, Këshilltar i Jashtëm për Sundimin e Ligjit, Zhvillimin Kushtetues dhe Drejtësinë Tranzicionale (Këshilltar i Qeverisë së Shteteve të Bashkuara gjatë hartimit të Kushtetutës së Republikës së Kosovës) “Perspektiva Krahasuese për Krijimin e Kushtetutës: Kosova dhe më gjerë” 12:00 - 12:20 Sesioni II: Diskutim i hapur 12:30 - 14:30 Drekë në Hotelin “Emerald” 69 SESIONI III “Roli i Gjykatave Kushtetuese në Mbrojtjen e të Drejtave dhe Lirive Themelore të Njeriut përmes Kontrollit Individual të Kushtetutshmërisë së Akteve të Au- toriteteve Publike” Moderator: z. Nexhmi Rexhepi, gjyqtar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës 14:30 - 14:40 znj. Dineke de Groot, Kryetare e Gjykatës Supreme të Holandës “Roli i Gjykatave Kushtetuese në Mbrojtjen e të Drejtave dhe Lirive Themelore të Njeriut përmes Kontrollit Individual të Kushtetutshmërisë së Akteve të Autoriteteve Publike. Një perspektivë nga nën-niveli i detit deri te Bjeshkët e Nemuna” 14:40 - 14:50 z. Villu Kove, Kryetar i Gjykatës Supreme të Estonisë “Mundësitë e kufizuara për kontrollin kushtetues individual në sistemin e vlerë- simit të kushtetutshmërisë së Estonisë” 14:50 - 15:00 z. Tomas Davulis, Gjyqtar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Lituanisë “Ndikimi i praktikës gjyqësore të GJED në Jurisprudencën e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Lituanisë” 15:00 - 15:10 z. Claudio Monteiro, Gjyqtar i Gjykatës Supreme Administrative të Portugalisë “Respektimi dhe kufijtë e kontrollit kushtetues” 15:10 - 15:20 z. Mato Arlović, Gjyqtar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Kroacisë “Gjykata Kushtetuese në mbrojtjen e të drejtave dhe lirive të pakicave kom- bëtare” 15:20 - 15:30 z. Osman Kadriu, gjyqtar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Maqedonisë së Veriut “Sundimi i ligjit dhe demokracia” 15:30 - 15:40 znj. Christie Warren, Profesoreshë e Praktikës të së Drejtës Ndërkombëtare dhe Krahasuese (Këshilltare e Qeverisë së Shteteve të Bashkuara gjatë hartimit të Kushtetutës së Republikës së Kosovës) “Gjykata Kushtetuese e Kosovës në Këndvështrim Krahasues” 15:40 - 15:50 z. Diego Solana, Këshilltar Ndërkombëtar i Fondacionit për të Drejtën Botërore dhe koordinator i Programit të Kongresit Botëror të Drejtësisë “Roli i Gjykatës Kushtetuese në mbrojtjen e të drejtave dhe lirive përmes masave kufizuese gjatë pandemisë” 15:50 - 16:10 Sesioni III: Diskutim i hapur 16:10 - 16:20 Fjala përmbyllëse e Konferencës 70 MEĐUNARODNA KONFERENCIJA “Doprinos ustavnih sudova u zaštiti i jačanju osnovnih vrednosti demokratije, vla- davine prava i osnovnih ljudskih prava i sloboda” Sala “Beethoven”, hotel “Emerald”, Priština 24. oktobar 2023. DNEVNI RED 08:30 - 09:00 Registracija 09:00 - 09:15 Dobrodošlica i uvodna reč gđe Grese Caka-Nimani, predsednica Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo SESIJA I “Uloga ustavnih sudova u jačanju vrednosti demokratije i vladavine prava kroz apstraktnu kontrolu ustavnosti normi” Voditelj: Gđa Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, sudija Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo 09:15 - 09:25 G. Zühtü Arslan, predsednik Ustavnog suda Republike Turske „Apstraktni pregled ustavnosti u Turskoj: nedavna dešavanja“ 09:25 - 09:35 Gđa Holta Zaçaj, predsednica Ustavnog suda Republike Albanije „Uloga Ustavnog suda kao negativnog zakonodavca” 09:35 - 09:45 G. Aldis Lavinš, predsednik Ustavnog suda Letonije „Uloga ustavnih sudova u usklađivanju primene prava EU i međunarodnog prava sa ustavnim identitetom“ 09:45 - 09:55 Prof. Georg Lienbacher, sudija Ustavnog suda Austrije „Uloga ustavnih sudova u jačanju vrednosti demokratije i vladavine prava kroz apstraktnu kontrolu ustavnosti normi” 09:55 - 10:05 G. José Figueiredo Dias, sudija Ustavnog suda Portugalije „Uloga ustavnih sudova u jačanju vrednosti demokratije i vladavine prava kroz apstraktnu kontrolu ustavnosti normi – pregled portugalskog sistema“ 10:05 - 10:15 Gđa. Marie Baker, sudija Vrhovnog suda Irske „Vrhovni sudovi kao čuvari Ustava” 10:15 - 10:25 G. Tom Ginsburg, profesor uporednog ustavnog prava na Pravnom fakultetu u Čikagu „Kontrola apstraktnih normi i sudsko zakonodavstvo: uticaj na ugled sudija” 10:25 - 10:45 Sesija I: Otvorena diskusija 10:45 - 11:00 Pauza za kafu 71 SESIJA II “Uloga nadnacionalnih sudova u odlučivanju ustavnih sudova: interakcija sa Evropskim sudom za ljudska prava, Sudom pravde Evropske unije, Afričkim sudom za ljudska i narodna prava i Venecijanskom komisijom” Voditelj: Gđa Remzije Istrefi-Peci, sudija Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo 11:00 - 11:10 G. Pierre Nihoul, predsednik Ustavnog suda Belgije „Odnos između belgijskog ustava i međunarodnog i evropskog prava” 11:10 - 11:20 Gđa Anna Austin, pravni konsultant Evropskog suda za ljudska prava „Načelo supsidijarnosti i ESLJP: Služenje i raznolikosti i konvergenciji“ 11:20 - 11:30 Gđa Grainne McMorrov, predstavnica Venecijanske komisije „Uloga Venecijanske komisije u podršci demokratiji i promovisanju evolucije i razvoja ustavnih sudova na međunarodnom nivou“ 11:30 - 11:40 G. Mirsad Ćeman, potpredsednik Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine „Uticaj sudske prakse Evropskog suda za ljudska prava na praksu domaćih su- dova u Bosni i Hercegovini“ 11:40 - 11:50 G. Atanas Semov, sudija Ustavnog suda Bugarske „Dijalog između lokalnih ustavnih sudova i Suda pravde Evropske unije kao stavnog suda EU“ 11:50 - 12:00 G. Louis Aucoin, strani savetnik za vladavinu prava, ustavni razvoj i tranzicionu pra- vdu (savetnik Vlade Sjedinjenih Država tokom izrade Ustava Republike Kosovo) „Komparativne perspektive ustavotvorstva: Kosovo i dalje“ 12:00 - 12:20 Sesija II: Otvorena diskusija 12:30 - 14:30 Ručak u hotelu “Emerald” SESIJA III “Uloga ustavnih sudova u zaštiti osnovnih ljudskih prava i sloboda kroz indi- vidualnu kontrolu ustavnosti akata javnih organa” Voditelj: G. Nexhmi Rexhepi, sudija Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo 14:30 - 14:40 Gđa Dineke de Groot, predsednica Vrhovnog suda Holandije „Uloga ustavnih sudova u zaštiti osnovnih ljudskih prava i sloboda kroz indi- vidualnu kontrolu ustavnosti akata javnih organa. Perspektiva od Ispod nivoa mora do Prokletih planina” 14:40 - 14:50 G. Villu Kove, predsednik Vrhovnog suda Estonije „Ograničene mogućnosti za individualnu ustavnu kontrolu u estonskom sistemu ustavnog razmatranja” 14:50 - 15:00 G. Tomas Davulis, sudija Ustavnog suda Litvanije „Uticaj sudske prakse SPEU na sudsku praksu Ustavnog suda Republike Lit- vanije“ 15:00 - 15:10 G. Claudio Monteiro, sudija Vrhovnog upravnog suda Portugalije „Poštovanje i granice ustavne kontrole” 72 15:10 - 15:20 G. Mato Arlović, sudija Ustavnog suda Hrvatske „Ustavni sud za zaštitu prava i sloboda nacionalnih manjina” 15:20 - 15:30 G. Osman Kadriu, sudija Ustavnog suda Republike Severne Makedonije „Vladavina prava i demokratija“ 15:30 - 15:40 Gđa Christie Warren, profesor prakse međunarodnog i uporednog prava (savet- nik Vlade Sjedinjenih Država tokom izrade Ustava Republike Kosovo) “Ustavni sud Kosova u uporednoj perspektivi” 15:40 - 15:50 G. Diego Solana, međunarodni savetnik Svetske pravne fondacije i koordinator programa Svetskog pravnog kongresa „Uloga Ustavnog suda u zaštiti prava i sloboda kroz restriktivne mere tokom pan- demije“ 15:50 - 16:10 Sesija III: Otvorena diskusija 16:10 - 16:20 Završna razmatranja konferencije 73 INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE “The Contribution of Constitutional Courts in Protecting and Strengthening Fun- damental Values of Democracy, Rule of Law, and Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms” “Beethoven” Hall, Hotel “Emerald”, Prishtina 24 October 2023 AGENDA 08:30 - 09:00 Registration 09:00 - 09:15 Welcome and Opening Remarks by Ms. Gresa Caka-Nimani, President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo SESSION I “The Role of Constitutional Courts in Strengthening the Values of Democra- cy and Rule of Law through Abstract Control of Constitutionality of Norms” Moderator: Ms. Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Re- public of Kosovo 09:15 - 09:25 Mr. Zühtü Arslan, President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Türkiye “Abstract Review of Constitutionality in Türkiye: Recent Developments” 09:25 - 09:35 Ms. Holta Zaçaj, President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Al- bania “The Role of the Constitutional Court as a Negative Lawmaker” 09:35 - 09:45 Mr. Aldis Laviņš, President of the Constitutional Court of Latvia “The Role of Constitutional Courts in Reconciling the Application of EU and International Law with the Constitutional Identity” 09:45 - 09:55 Mr. Georg Lienbacher, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Austria “The Role of Constitutional Courts in Strengthening the Values of Democracy and the Rule of Law through Abstract Control of Constitutionality of Norms” 09:55 - 10:05 Mr. José Figueiredo Dias, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Portugal “The Role of Constitutional Courts in Strengthening the Values of Democra- cy and Rule of Law through Abstract Control of Constitutionality of Norms – An overview of the Portuguese System” 10:05 - 10:15 Ms. Marie Baker, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Ireland “The Supreme Court as Guardians of the Constitution” 10:15 – 10:25 Mr. Tom Ginsburg, Professor of Comparative Constitutional Law at Chicago Law School “Abstract Norm Control and Judicial Lawmaking: The Effect on Judicial Reputation” 10:25 - 10:45 Session I: Open discussion 10:45 - 11:00 Coffee break 74 SESSION II “The Role of Supranational Courts in the Decision-Making of Constitutional Courts: the Interaction with the European Court of Human Rights, Court of Justice of the European Union, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the Venice Commission” Moderator: Ms. Remzije Istrefi-Peci, Judge at the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo 11:00 - 11:10 Mr. Pierre Nihoul, President of the Constitutional Court of Belgium “The Relationship between the Belgian Constitution and International and European Law” 11:10 - 11:20 Ms. Anna Austin, Juristconsult of the European Court of Human Rights “The Principle of Subsidiarity and the ECHR: Serving both Diversity and Convergence” 11:20 - 11:30 Ms. Grainne McMorrow, Venice Commission Representative “The Role of the Venice Commission in supporting democracy and in promoting the evolution and development of Constitutional Courts internationally” 11:30 - 11:40 Mr. Mirsad Ćeman, Vice-President of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Hercegovina “The Influence of the Case-law of the European Court of Human Rights on the Case- law of Domestic Courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina” 11:40 - 11:50 Mr. Atanas Semov, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Bulgaria “Dialogue between domestic constitutional courts and the Court of Justice of the European Union as the Constitutional Court of the EU” 11:50 - 12:00 Mr. Louis Aucoin, Foreign Advisor on Rule of Law, Constitutional Develop- ment and Transitional Justice (United States Government Advisor through- out the drafting of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo) “Comparative Perspectives on Constitution Making: Kosovo and Beyond” 12:00 - 12:20 Session II: Open discussion 12:30 - 14:30 Lunch at Hotel “Emerald” SESSION III “The Role of Constitutional Courts in Protecting Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms through Individual Control of Constitutionality of Acts of Public Authorities” Moderator: Mr. Nexhmi Rexhepi, Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo 14:30 - 14:40 Ms. Dineke de Groot, President of the Supreme Court of the Netherlands “The Role of Constitutional Courts in Protecting Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms through Individual Control of Constitutionality of Acts of Public Authorities. A Perspective from Below Sea Level to the Accursed Mountains” 14:40 - 14:50 Mr. Villu Kove, President of the Supreme Court of Estonia “Limited Possibilities for Individual Constitutional Control in Estonian Con- stitutional Review System” 75 14:50 - 15:00 Mr. Tomas Davulis, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Lithuania “Impact of the Case-law of CJEU in the Jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania” 15:00 - 15:10 Mr. Claudio Monteiro, Judge of the Supreme Administrative Court of Portugal “Deference and the limits of constitutional scrutiny” 15:10 - 15:20 Mr. Mato Arlović, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Croatia “The Constitutional Court in the Protection of Rights and Freedoms of Na- tional Minorities” 15:20 - 15:30 Mr. Osman Kadriu, Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of North Macedonia “The Rule of Law and Democracy” 15:30 - 15:40 Ms. Christie Warren, Professor of the Practice of International and Compar- ative Law (United States Government Advisor throughout the drafting of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo) “The Constitutional Court of Kosovo in Comparative Perspective” 15:40 - 15:50 Mr. Diego Solana, International Advisor of the World Law Foundation and coordinator of the Program of the World Law Congress “The role of Constitutional Courts in the protection of human rights and lib- erties through restrictive measures during the pandemic” 15:50 - 16:10 Session III: Open discussion 16:10 - 16:20 Conference Concluding Remarks 76 CONFÉRENCE INTERNATIONALE “La contribution des Cours Constitutionnelles à la protection et au renforcement des valeurs fondamentales de la démocratie, de l’état de droit et des droits et libertés fondamentaux de l’homme” Salle “Beethoven”, Hôtel “Emerald”, Prishtina 24 octobre 2023 ORDRE DU JOUR 08:30 - 09:00 Inscription 09:00 - 09:15 Allocution de bienvenue de Mme Gresa Caka-Nimani, Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo SESSION I “Le rôle des Cours Constitutionnelles dans le renforcement des valeurs de la démocratie et de l’état de droit par le contrôle abstrait de la constitutionnalité des normes” Modératrice: Mme. Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, Juge à la Cour constitutionnelle de la Répu- blique du Kosovo 09:15 - 09:25 M. Zühtü Arslan, Président de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République de Turquie “Résumé de la constitutionnalité en Turquie : Développements récents” 09:25 - 09:35 Mme. Holta Zaçaj, Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République d’Albanie “Le rôle de la Cour constitutionnelle en tant que législateur négatif” 09:35 - 09:45 M. Aldis Laviņš, Président de la Cour Constitutionnelle de Lettonie “Le rôle des cours constitutionnelles pour concilier l’application du droit euro- péen et international avec l’identité constitutionnelle ” 09:45 - 09:55 M. Georg Lienbacher, Juge à la Cour Constitutionnelle d’Autriche “Le rôle des Cours constitutionnelles dans le renforcement des valeurs de la démocratie et de l’État de droit à travers le contrôle abstrait de la constitution- nalité des normes ” 09:55 - 10:05 M. José Figueiredo Dias, Juge à la Cour Constitutionnelle du Portugal “Le rôle des cours constitutionnelles dans le renforcement des valeurs de la démocratie et de l’État de droit par le contrôle abstrait de la constitutionnalité des normes – Aperçu du système portugais” 10:05 - 10:15 Mme. Marie Baker, Juge à la Cour Suprême d’Irlande “Les Cours suprêmes, gardiennes de la Constitution” 10:15 - 10:25 M. Tom Ginsburg, Professeur de droit constitutionnel comparé à la Chicago Law School “Contrôle abstrait des normes et législation judiciaire : l’effet sur la réputation judiciaire” 77 10:25 - 10:45 Session I: Discussion ouverte 10:45 - 11:00 Pause café SESSION II “Le rôle des Juridictions Supranationales dans le processus décisionnel des Cours Constitutionnelles : Interaction avec la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme, la Cour de Justice de l’Union Européenne, la Cour Africaine des Droits de l’Homme et des Peuples et la Commission de Venise” Modératrice: Mme. Remzije Istrefi-Peci, Juge à la Cour constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo 11:00 - 11:10 M. Pierre Nihoul, Président de la Cour constitutionnelle de Belgique “La relation entre la Constitution belge et le droit international et européen” 11:10 - 11:20 Mme. Anna Austin, Juriste consultante de la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme “Le principe de subsidiarité et la CEDH : au service de la diversité et de la convergence ” 11:20 - 11:30 Mme. Grainne McMorrow, Représentante de la Commission de Venise “Le rôle de la Commission de Venise dans le soutien à la démocratie et dans la promotion de l’évolution et du développement des cours constitutionnelles à l’échelle internationale ” 11:30 - 11:40 M. Mirsad Ceman, Vice-président de la Cour Constitutionnelle de Bosnie-Her- zégovine “L’influence de la jurisprudence de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme sur la jurisprudence des tribunaux internes de Bosnie-Herzégovine” 11:40 - 11:50 M. Atanas Semov, juge à la Cour Constitutionnelle de Bulgarie “Dialogue entre les cours constitutionnelles locales et la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne en tant que cour constitutionnelle de l’UE” 11:50 - 12:00 M. Louis Aucoin, Conseiller externe pour l’État de Droit, le Développement Constitutionnel et la Justice Transitionnelle (Conseiller du gouvernement des États-Unis lors de la rédaction de la Constitution de la République du Kosovo) “Perspectives comparatives sur l’élaboration de la Constitution : le Kosovo et au-delà ” 12:00 - 12:20 Session II: Discussion ouverte 12:30 - 14:30 Déjeuner à l’ Hôtel “Emerald” SESSION III “Le rôle des Cours Constitutionnelles dans la Protection des Droits et Libertés Fondamentaux de l’Homme par le Contrôle Individuel de la Constitutionnalité des Actes des Autorités Publiques ” Modérateur: M. Nexhmi Rexhepi, Juge à la Cour constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo 78 14:30 - 14:40 Mme. Dineke de Groot, Présidente de la Cour Suprême des Pays-Bas “Le rôle des Cours Constitutionnelles dans la Protection des Droits et Libertés Fondamentaux de l’Homme à travers le Contrôle Individuel de la Constitution- nalité des Actes des Autorités Publiques. Une perspective du niveau sous-marin jusqu’aux Montagnes Maudites” 14:40 - 14:50 M. Villu Kove, Président de la Cour Suprême d’Estonie “Possibilités limitées de contrôle constitutionnel individuel dans le système es- tonien d’appréciation de la constitutionnalité” 14:50 - 15:00 M. Tomas Davulis, Juge à la Cour constitutionnelle de Lituanie “Impact de la jurisprudence de la CJUE sur la jurisprudence de la Cour consti- tutionnelle de la République de Lituanie” 15:00 - 15:10 M. Claudio Monteiro, Juge à la Cour Administrative Suprême du Portugal “Déférence et limites du contrôle constitutionnel ” 15:10 - 15:20 M. Mato Arlović, Juge à la Cour Constitutionnelle de Croatie “La Cour constitutionnelle dans la protection des droits et libertés des minori- tés nationales ” 15:20 - 15:30 M. Osman Kadriu, Juge à la Cour constitutionnelle de la République de Macé- doine du Nord “L’État de droit et la démocratie ” 15:30 - 15:40 Mme. Christie Warren, Professeure de Pratique du Droit International et Com- paré (Conseillère du Gouvernement des États-Unis lors de la rédaction de la Constitution de la République du Kosovo) “La Cour Constitutionnelle du Kosovo dans une perspective comparée” 15:40 - 15:50 M. Diego Solana, Conseiller international de la World Law Foundation et coor- dinateur du programme du World Law Congress “Le rôle de la Cour Constitutionnelle dans la protection des droits et libertés par des mesures restrictives pendant la pandémie” 15:50 - 16:10 Session III: Discussion ouverte 16:10 - 16:30 Remarques finales de la conference 79 80  Fjala përshëndetëse dhe hyrëse nga znj. Gresa Caka-Nimani, Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës Dobrodošlica i uvodna reč gđe Grese Caka-Nimani, predsednica Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo Welcome and Opening Remarks by Ms. Gresa Caka-Nimani, President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo Allocution de bienvenue de Mme Gresa Caka-Nimani, Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo Fjala përshëndetëse dhe hyrëse nga znj. Gresa Caka-Nimani, Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës Të nderuar delegacione të Gjykatave Kushtetuese e Supreme nga mbarë Bota; Të nderuar udhëheqës e përfaqësues të institucioneve të Republikës së Kosovës; Të nderuar Ambasadorë e përfaqësues të institucioneve ndërkombëtare; Gjyqtarë, prokurorë, avokatë, dekanë e profesor universitar e anëtarë të shoqërisë civile Të nderuar pjesëmarrës; Zonja e Zotërinjë, Mirë se erdhët në Konferencën Ndërkombëtare të organizuar me rastin e shënimit të katërmbëdh- jetë vjetorit të themelimit të Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Kosovës. Në shënimin e këtij përvjetori – Gjykata ka zgjedhur që konferencën e sotme ndërkombëtare të foku- soj në rolin e Gjykatave Kushtetuese në mbrojtjen dhe fuqizimin e vlerave themelore të demokracisë, sundimit të ligjit dhe të drejtave dhe lirive themelore. Kjo është bërë për dy qëllime. Së pari, për të nënvizuar rëndësinë e bashkëpunimit të Gjykatave Kushtetuese dhe rolin thelbësor të Gjykatave Supranacionale, përfshirë Gjykatën Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut - në mbështetje të dre- jtësisë kushtetuese në demokracitë me traditë më pak të konsoliduar, përfshirë rëndësinë e krijimit të një sistemi uniform të mbrojtjes së vlerave dhe të drejtave universale në kontinentit evropian. Gjykata jonë Kushtetuese - më e reja në këtë kontinent – reflekton shembull të mirë të këtij bash- këpunimi. 81 Në këtë kontekst, kujtoj që rrugëtimi i ndërtimit gradual të drejtësisë kushtetuese në Kosovë, nuk ka qenë pa sfida. Të njëjtat duhet të trajtohen në kontekstin historiko-politik të shtet-bërjes dhe shtet-ndërtimit të Kosovës, përfshirë në kontekst të ushtrimit të funksionit kushtetues të interpreti- mit të një Kushtetute të re, nga një Gjykatë Kushtetuese që nuk kishte përparësinë dhe/ose lehtësinë e pasurisë së traditës paraprake të drejtësisë kushtetuese. Viti 2008 shënon një kthesë historike për Republikën e Kosovës – miratimin e një rendi të ri kushtetues që dallon thelbësisht nga tri rendet paraprake kushtetuese. Prandaj, ndërtimi i drejtësisë kushtetuese në Republikën e Kosovës, nuk ka pasur referencë në traditën kushtetuese të së kaluarës, por aspiratën e të ardhmes - në bashkëpunim të thellë me Gjykatat Kushtetuese, Gjykatën Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut dhe Komisionin e Venecias, duke reflektuar kështu, në vendimmarrjen e saj, emëruesin e përbashkët të vlerave që ngërthen drejtësia kushtetuese evropiane dhe praktika gjyqësore në inter- pretimin e Konventës Evropiane për të Drejtat e Njeriut. Në qasje e tillë që ngërthen praktika gjyqësore e Gjykatës tonë nënvizon rëndësinë e partneritetit në mes Gjykatave Kushtetuese. Për më tepër, është argument i mjaftueshëm që Gjykata Kushtetuese e Kosovës e meriton vendin në mes Gjykatave Kushtetuese anëtare të Konferencës Evropiane dhe Asociacionit Frankofon të Gjykatave Kushtetuese. Tentativat e parreshtura të Gjykatës tonë për tu anëtarësuar në këto dy forume të Gjykatave Kushtetuese simotra, uroj të kurorëzohen suksesshëm përgjatë vitit 2024 - edhe me mbështetjen e Gjykatave Kushtetuese të pranishme sot këtu. Qëllimi i deklaruar i tyre drejt avancimit të bashkëpunimit në kontekst të drejtësisë kushtetuese, humb kuptimin nëse në forumet përkatëse vendimmarrëse, mbizotërojnë argumentet e pakicës lid- hur me identitetin shtetëror të Kosovës dhe të cilat do të duhej të ishin përmbyllur përfundimisht në vitin 2010 - me Opinionin e Gjykatës Ndërkombëtare të Drejtësisë, lidhur me përputhshmërinë me të drejtën ndërkombëtare të shpalljes së pavarësisë së Kosovës. Dhe kjo më shpien në qëllimin e dytë të kësaj konference - që vë theks në rolin që kanë Gjykatat Kushtetuese në mbrojtjen dhe avancimin e vlerave të demokracisë liberale... si sistemi i vetëm që siguron që liria individuale është e kuptimplotë .... si sistemi i vetëm përmes të cilit sigurohet dhe mirëmbahet paqja. Në një rend botërorë të karakterizuar nga sovranitete të kushtëzuara dhe të trazuar tashmë prej zhvil- limeve të shumta, përfshirë ato që ndërlidhen me (i) luftimin e pandemive; (ii) përshtatjen me rritjen e hovshme të përdorimit të teknologjisë informative e intelegjencës artificale; (iii) modelet populiste të qeverisjes në rritje; e (iv) deri te agresioni i pashembullt në Ukrainë – trashëgimia e përbashkët evropiane mund të mbrohet dhe kultivohet vetëm përmes përkushtimit për solidaritet dhe bashkëpunim të thellë ndërshtetëror. 82 Gjykatat Kushtetuese - si guardian Kushtetutash - zënë vend qendror në adresimin e sfidave të këtij shekulli. Shkëmbimi i përvojave na mundëson që të avancojmë traditën e drejtësisë kushtetuese, duke kundër-balancuar çdo forcë e dukuri që rrezikon të cenojë vlerat tona të përbashkëta – lirinë, paqen dhe demokracinë. Marrë parasysh sfidat me të cilat ballafaqohet drejtësia kushtetuese dhe ato fusha të së drejtës, e të cilat përbëjnë thelbin e mbajtjes së ekuilibrit të duhur në mes vendimmarrjes së autoriteteve publike dhe ndikimit respektiv në të drejta dhe liri themelore, kemi zgjedhur që përgjatë kësaj konference, të fokusohemi në ushtrimin e kontrollin abstrakt dhe konkret të kushtetutshmërisë, përfshirë përmes bashkëpunimit me gjykatat me karakter supranacional, të organizuar në tri panele, e që do të ud- hëhiqen nga gjyqtarët e Gjykatës Kushtetuese, përkatësisht gjyqtarët Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, Remzije Istrefi-Peci dhe Nexhmi Rexhepi – duke pasur mundësinë të shkëmbejmë përvoja në shër- bim të avancimit të praktikave tona dhe thellimit të sinergjive në kontekst të drejtësisë kushtetuese. Të nderuar miq, Në këtë sallë sot, janë të pranishme disa nga mendjet më të ndritura të drejtësisë kushtetuese në botë. Hapësira gjeografike që pjesëmarrësit sot reflektojnë, na mundëson që të krijojmë një hartë gjithëpërfshirëse të të arriturave, sfidave dhe inovacioneve të Gjykatave Kushtetuese nga mbarë bota. Solidariteti dhe partneriteti në mes Gjykatave Kushtetuese është frymëzues. I njëjti gjithashtu lartëson Gjykatën tonë. Për më tepër na mundëson që në kryeqytetin e bukur të Prishtinës - të lun- drojmë së bashku nëpër mrekullitë që ngërthen drejtësia kushtetuese. Duke shprehur edhe një herë mirënjohjen e thellë për prezencën tuaj e me pasionin e kureshtjen e pareshtur për të dëgjuar diskutimet e sotme, hap konferencën dhe punimet e saj. Faleminderit për vëmendjen! 83 Dobrodošlica i uvodna reč gđe Grese Caka-Nimani, predsednica Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo Uvažene delegacije ustavnih i vrhovnih sudova iz celog sveta; Uvaženi rukovodioci i predstavnici institucija Republike Kosovo; Uvaženi ambasadori i predstavnici međunarodnih institucija; Sudije, tužioci, advokati, dekani i univerzitetski profesori i članovi civilnog društva; Poštovani učesnici, Dame i gospodo, Dobrodošli na Međunarodnu konferenciju organizovanu povodom obeležavanja četrnaestogodišn- jice osnivanja Ustavnog suda Republike Kosovo. Obeležavajući ovu godišnjicu, Sud se odlučio da današnju međunarodnu konferenciju usredsredi na ulogu ustavnih sudova u zaštiti i jačanju osnovnih vrednosti demokratije, vladavine prava i osnovnih prava i sloboda. To je učinjeno iz dva razloga. Prvo, kako bi se istakla važnost saradnje ustavnih sudova i suštinska uloga nadnacionalnih sudova, uključujući i Evropski sud za ljudska prava, u podršci ustavnoj pravdi u demokratijama sa manje konsolidovanom tradicijom, uključujući i važnost uspostavljanja jedinstvenog sistema zaštite uni- verzalnih vrednosti i prava na evropskom kontinentu. Naš Ustavni sud - kao najmlađi na ovom kontinentu - predstavlja dobar primer te saradnje. U tom kontekstu, pamtim da put postepene izgradnje ustavnog pravosuđa na Kosovu nije tekao bez izazova. Ove izazove treba tumačiti u istorijsko-političkom kontekstu osnivanja i izgradnje države Kosovo, uključujući i u kontekstu vršenja ustavne funkcije tumačenja novog Ustava od strane Ustav- nog suda koji nije imao pogodnost i/ili olakšicu bogatstva prethodne tradicije ustavnog pravosuđa. 2008. godina označava istorijsku prekretnicu za Republiku Kosovo - usva- janje novog ustavnog poretka koji se suštinski razlikuje od prethodna tri us- tavna poretka. To znači da izgradnja ustavnog pravosuđa u Republici Koso- vo nije imala kao referencu ustavnu tradiciju iz prošlosti, već stremljenje budućnosti - u dubokoj saradnji sa ustavnim sudovima, Evropskim sudom za ljudska prava i Venecijanskom komisijom, čime, u svom odlučivanju, odražava zajednički imenitelj vrednosti sadržanih u evropskom ustavnom pravosuđu i sudskoj praksi u tumačenju Evropske konvencije o ljudskim pravima. 84 Ovakav pristup sadržan u sudskoj praksi našeg Suda ističe važnost partnerstva između ustavnih sudova. Povrh svega, dovoljan je argument da Ustavni sud Kosova zaslužuje svoje mesto među ustavnim sudovi- ma koji su članovi Evropske konferencije i Udruženja ustavnih sudova frankofonije. Nadam se da će neprestani pokušaji našeg Suda da se učlani u ova dva foruma sestrinskih ustavnih sudova, 2024. godine biti uspešno krunisani - i uz podršku ustavnih sudova koji su ovde danas prisutni. Njihov deklarisani cilj u pogledu unapređenja saradnje u kontekstu ustavnog pravosuđa, gubi smisao ukoliko u relevantnim forumima koji odlučuju, preovladavaju argumenti manjine po pitanju držav- nog identiteta Kosova, koji su morali da budu konačno zaključeni 2010. godine - mišljenjem Međun- arodnog suda pravde o usklađenosti proglašenja nezavisnosti Kosova sa međunarodnim pravom. A ovo me vodi do drugog cilja ove konferencije - koji stavlja naglasak na ulogu koju imaju ustavni sudovi u zaštiti i unapređenju vrednosti liberalne demokratije … kao jedinog sistema koji osigurava da individualna sloboda bude smislena … kao jedinog sistema kojim se osigurava i održava mir. U svetskom poretku koji karakterišu uslovne suverenosti i koji je već poremećen brojnim dešavanji- ma, uključujući i ona koja su povezana sa (i) borbom protiv pandemija; (ii) prilagođavanjem naglom porastu korišćenja informacionih tehnologija i veštačke inteligencije; (iii) populističkim modelima vladanja koji su u usponu; i (iv) neviđenom agresijom na Ukrajinu - zajedničko evropsko nasleđe se može zaštititi i negovati samo kroz posvećenost dubokoj međudržavnoj solidarnosti i saradnji. Ustavni sudovi - kao čuvari ustava - zauzimaju centralno mesto u suočavanju sa izazovima ovog veka. Razmena iskustava nam omogućava da unapredimo tradiciju ustavnog pravosuđa, stvarajući protivtežu svakoj sili i pojavi koja preti da potkopa naše zajedničke vrednosti – slobodu, mir i demokratiju. Imajući u vidu izazove sa kojima se suočava ustavno pravosuđe i one oblasti prava koje čine suštinu održavanja pravilne ravnoteže između odlučivanja javnih organa vlasti i odgovarajućeg uticaja na osnovna prava i slobode, izabrali smo da se tokom ove konferencije usredsredimo na vršenje ap- straktne i konkretne kontrole ustavnosti, uključujući i kroz saradnju sa sudovima nadnacionalnog karaktera, organizovani u tri panela koja će voditi sudije Ustavnog suda, odnosno sudije Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, Remzije Istrefi-Peci i Nexhmi Rexhepi – imajući priliku da razmenimo iskustva u službi unapređenja naših praksi i produbljivanja sinergija u kontekstu ustavnog pravosuđa. Uvaženi prijatelji, U ovoj su sali danas prisutni neki od najsvetlijih umova ustavnog pravosuđa u svetu. Geografski prostor koji učesnici danas reflektuju omogućava nam da napravimo sveobuhvatnu mapu dostig- nuća, izazova i inovacija ustavnih sudova iz celog sveta. Solidarnost i partnerstvo među ustavnim sudovima su inspirativni. Isto tako i nadahnjuju naš Sud. Povrh svega, omogućavaju nam da u našoj lepoj prestonici, Prištini, zajedno krstarimo kroz magiju koju nosi ustavno pravosuđe. Izražavajući još jednom svoju duboku zahvalnost na vašem prisustvu, sa neutaživim žarom i ra- doznalošću da saslušam današnje diskusije, otvaram konferenciju i njen rad. Hvala na pažnji! 85 Welcome and Opening Remarks by Ms. Gresa Caka-Nimani, President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo Honorable delegations of the Constitutional and Supreme Courts from around the World; Dear leaders and representatives of the institutions of the Republic of Kosovo; Honorable Ambassadors and representatives of international institutions; Judges, prosecutors, lawyers, deans and professors of universities and members of the civil society; Dear participants; Ladies and Gentlemen, Welcome to the International Conference organized on the occasion of marking the fourteenth anni- versary of the establishment of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo. In marking this anniversary - the Court has chosen for today’s international conference to focus on the role of the Constitutional Courts in protecting and strengthening the fundamental values of democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights and freedoms. This was done for two purposes. First, to underline the importance of the cooperation of Constitutional Courts and the essential role of Supranational Courts, including the European Court of Human Rights - in supporting constitu- tional justice in democracies with a less consolidated tradition, including the importance of creating a uniform system of the protection of universal values and rights on the European continent. Our Constitutional Court - the youngest on this continent - reflects a good example of this cooperation. In this context - I would remind that the journey of gradual building of constitutional justice in Koso- vo, has not been without challenges. These challenges should be treated in the historical-political context of the state-making and state-building of Kosovo, including in the context of exercising the constitutional function of interpreting a new Constitution by a Constitutional Court that did not have the advantage and/or ease of the richness of the prior tradition of constitutional justice. The year 2008 marks a historical turning point for the Republic of Kosovo - the adoption of a new constitutional order that is fundamentally differ- ent from the three previous constitutional orders. Therefore, the building of constitutional justice in the Republic of Kosovo had no reference to the constitutional tradition of the past, but the aspiration of the future - in close cooperation with the Constitutional Courts, the European Court of Human Rights and the Venice Commission, thus reflecting in its decision-making, the common denominator of the values entailed by the European constitu- tional justice and case-law in the interpretation of the European Convention on Human Rights. 86 Such an approach held in the case law of our Court underlines the importance of partnership be- tween the Constitutional Courts. Moreover, it is a sufficient argument that the Constitutional Court of Kosovo deserves its place among the Constitutional Courts members of the European Conference and the Association of Francophone Constitutional Courts. The relentless efforts of our Court to be- come member of these two forums of sister Constitutional Courts, I wish to be crowned with success during 2024 and with the support of the Constitutional Courts present here today. Their stated goal towards the advancement of cooperation in the context of the constitutional justice, loses its meaning if in the relevant decision-making forums the arguments of the minority regarding the state identity of Kosovo prevail and which would have been concluded finally in 2010 - with the Opinion of the International Court of Justice regarding the compatibility with international law of Kosovo’s declaration of independence. And this leads me to the second purpose of this conference - which emphasizes the role that the Constitutional Courts have in protecting and advancing the values of liberal democracy… as the only system that ensures that individual freedom is meaningful ...as the only system through which peace is secured and maintained. In a world order characterized by conditional sovereignties and already troubled by numerous de- velopments, including those related to (i) the fight against pandemics; (ii) adaptation to the rapid increase in the use of information technology and artificial intelligence; (iii) populist models of gov- ernance on the rise; and (iv) to the unprecedented aggression in Ukraine - the common European heritage can only be protected and cultivated through a commitment to interstate solidarity and deep cooperation. Constitutional Courts - as guardians of Constitutions - occupy a central place in addressing the chal- lenges of this century. Exchanging experiences enables us to advance the tradition of constitutional justice - counterbalancing any force and occurrence that threatens to undermine our common values - freedom, peace and democracy. In view of the challenges faced by constitutional justice and those areas of law that constitute the es- sence of maintaining the right balance between the decision-making of public authorities and the re- spective influence on fundamental rights and freedoms, we have chosen that throughout this confer- ence, we focus on the exercise of abstract and concrete control of constitutionality, including through cooperation with supranational courts, organized in three panels, which will be presided over by judges of the Constitutional Court, namely judges Selvete Gërxaliu-Krasniqi, Remzije Istrefi - Peci and Nexhmi Rexhepi - having the opportunity to exchange experiences in the service of advancing our practices and deepening the synergies in the context of constitutional justice. 87 Dear friends, In this room today we have here present some of the brightest minds of constitutional justice in the world. The geographical space that the participants today reflect enables us to create a comprehen- sive map of the achievements, challenges and innovations of the Constitutional Courts from around the world. Solidarity and partnership between the Constitutional Courts is inspiring. The latter also elevates our Court. Moreover, it enables us that in the beautiful capital of Prishtina - to navigate together through the wonders that the constitutional justice holds. Expressing once more the deep gratitude for your presence and with unrelenting passion and curios- ity to listen to today’s discussions, I hereby open the conference and its proceedings. Thank you for your attention! 88 Allocution de bienvenue de Mme Gresa Caka-Nimani, Présidente de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo Chères délégations des Cours Constitutionnelles et Suprêmes du monde entier ; Chers dirigeants et représentants des institutions de la République du Kosovo ; Chers Ambassadeurs et représentants des institutions internationales ; Juges, procureurs, avocats, doyens et professeurs universitaires et membres de la société civile Chers participants, Mesdames et Messieurs, Bienvenue à la Conférence Internationale organisée à l’occasion du quatorzième anniversaire de la création de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République du Kosovo. À l›occasion de cet anniversaire, la Cour a choisi de concentrer la conférence internationale d›aujourd›hui sur le rôle des Cours Constitutionnelles dans la protection et la promotion des valeurs fondamentales de la démocratie, de l›État de droit et des droits et libertés fondamentaux. Et ceci à deux fins. Tout d’abord pour souligner l’importance de la coopération des Cours Constitutionnelles et le rôle essentiel des Cours Supranationales, telles que la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme - dans le soutien de la justice constitutionnelle dans les démocraties ayant une tradition moins consolidée, ainsi que l’importance de créer un système uniforme de protection des valeurs et des droits univer- sels sur le continent européen. Notre Cour Constitutionnelle – la plus jeune sur notre continent – reflète un bon exemple de cette coopération. Dans ce contexte, je rappelle que la construction progressive de la justice constitutionnelle au Kosovo ne s’est pas faite sans difficultés. On devrait abordé ces faits dans le contexte historique et politique de la création et de l’ édification de l’État du Kosovo, ainsi que dans le contexte de l’exercice de la fonction constitutionnelle d’interprétation d’une nouvelle Constitution, par une Cour Constitution- nelle qui n’avait pas l’avantage et/ou la facilité de tirer profit de la richesse d’une tradition antérieure de justice constitutionnelle. 89  L’année 2008 marque un tournant historique pour la République du Kosovo – l’adoption d’un nouvel ordre constitutionnel fondamentalement différent des trois ordres constitutionnels précédents. Par conséquent, la création de la justice constitutionnelle dans la République du Kosovo n’a fait aucune référence à la tradition constitutionnelle du passé mais s’est tournée vers l’avenir - en étroite coopération avec les Cours Constitutionnelles, la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme et la Commission de Venise, reflétant ainsi, dans ses décisions, le dénominateur commun des valeurs que com- prennent la justice constitutionnelle européenne et la pratique judiciaire dans l’interprétation de la Convention Européenne des Droits de l’Homme. Une telle approche incluse dans la pratique judiciaire de notre Cour souligne l’importance du parte- nariat entre les Cours Constitutionnelles. De plus, c’est aussi un argument suffisant pour que la Cour Constitutionnelle du Kosovo ait sa place méritée parmi les Cours Constitutionnelles membres de la Conférence Européenne et de l’Association Francophone des Cours Constitutionnelles. Je souhaite que les tentatives répétées de notre Cour pour rejoindre ces deux forums de Cours Constitutionnelles soient couronnées de succès en 2024 - avec également le soutien des Cours Constitutionnelles pré- sentes ici aujourd’hui. Leur but clair de faire progresser la coopération dans le contexte de la justice constitutionnelle perd son sens si dans les instances décisionnelles pertinentes les arguments de la minorité concernant l’identité étatique du Kosovo et qui auraient dû être définitivement clos en 2010 - avec l’ Avis de la Cour Internationale de Justice concernant la compatibilité de la Déclaration d’indépendance du Ko- sovo avec le Droit international - l’emportent. Et cela me conduit au deuxième objectif de cette conférence - qui met l’accent sur le rôle que jouent les Cours Constitutionnelles dans la protection et la promotion des valeurs de la démocratie libérale ...comme seul système qui garantit que la liberté individuelle ait un sens ... comme seul système qui permet de garantir et de maintenir la paix. Dans un ordre mondial caractérisé par des souverainetés conditionnelles et déjà troublé par de nom- breux développements, dont ceux liés (i) à la lutte contre les pandémies ; (ii) à l’adaptation à l’aug- mentation rapide de l’utilisation des technologies de l’information et de l’intelligence artificielle, (iii) à la montée en puissance des modèles de gouvernement populistes ; (iv) à l’agression sans précédent en Ukraine - le patrimoine européen commun ne peut être protégé et conservé que par un engage- ment en faveur d’une solidarité et d’une coopération interétatiques profondes. 90 Les Cours Constitutionnelles – en tant que gardiennes des Constitutions – occupent une place cen- trale pour relever les défis de ce siècle. L’échange d’expériences nous permet de faire progresser la tradition de la justice constitutionnelle, en contrebalançant toute force et tout phénomène qui me- nace de porter atteinte à nos valeurs communes - la liberté, la paix et la démocratie. Compte tenu des défis auxquels sont confrontés la justice constitutionnelle et les domaines de la justice, et qui constituent l’essence du maintien d’un juste équilibre entre la prise de décision des autorités publiques et leur impact respectif sur les droits et libertés fondamentaux, nous avons choisi de nous concentrer tout au long de ce colloque sur l’exercice d’un contrôle abstrait et concret de la constitutionnalité, notamment par la coopération avec les tribunaux à caractère supranational, or- ganisé en trois panels qui seront dirigés par des juges de la Cour Constitutionnelle, à savoir les juges Selvete Gërxhaliu-Krasniqi, Remzije Istrefi-Peci et Nexhmi Rexhepi - avec l’opportunité d’échanger des expériences au service du développement de nos pratiques et de l’approfondissement des syner- gies dans le contexte de la justice constitutionnelle. Chers amis, Aujourd’hui, dans cette salle, sont présents certains des esprits les plus brillants de la justice consti- tutionnelle mondiale. L’espace géographique que reflètent les participants aujourd’hui nous permet de créer un aperçu général des réalisations, des défis et des innovations des Cours Constitutionnelles du monde entier. La solidarité et le partenariat entre les Cours constitutionnelles nous inspirent. Cela exalte égale- ment notre Cour. De plus, cela nous permet de naviguer ensemble dans la belle capitale de Prishtina - à travers les merveilles que consacre la justice constitutionnelle. Pour conclure, avec une profonde gratitude pour votre présence, curieuse d’ écouter avec passion les discussions d’aujourd’hui, je déclare ouverts la conférence et ses travaux. Merci pour votre attention! 91  Contribution by Mr. Zühtü Arslan, President of the Constitutional Court of Türkiye Constitutional Court of the Republic of Türkiye CONTRIBUTION BY MR. ZÜHTÜ ARSLAN, PRESIDENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF TÜRKIYE Honourable President of the Constitutional in protecting and strengthening the value of the Court of Kosovo, rule of law through its review of presidential de- crees. Distinguished Presidents and Justices, First of all, let me start by recalling a simple fact Ladies and Gentlemen, as to the nature of constitutions. They are the It is a great pleasure to be here and to address basic documents that aim to guarantee, among such eminent participants. I would like to thank others, the principle of the rule of law. This con- the President Gresa Caka-Nimani for kindly stitutional principle is generally defined as “the inviting us to this well-organised international absolute supremacy or predominance of regu- conference. lar law as opposed to the influence of arbitrary I would also like to congratulate the power”.1 14th anniversary of the Constitutional Court of Article 2 of the Turkish Constitution clearly Kosovo. stipulates that the Republic of Türkiye is a dem- In my brief speech I shall talk about the role of ocratic state governed by the rule of law. There- the Constitutional Court of Türkiye (the Court) fore, it wouldn’t be wrong to say that the rule of A.V.Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (1885), (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1982), p. 120. 1 92 law is the distinctive characteristic of the con- rights and freedoms vis-a-vis the other social stitutional order. and political interests. In this regard, the Constitutional Court has fre- In its several judgments, the Court has declared quently invoked the principle of the rule of law that the rights-based paradigm should prevail as a yardstick to control the constitutionality of over constitutional jurisdiction. For the Court, laws and presidential decrees. The Court has the constitutional provisions “may fully and regarded the rule of law as “a principle that is properly fulfil their functions only when they to be taken into consideration in the interpre- are interpreted through a rights-based ap- tation and application of all provisions of the proach.” Therefore, the public authorities can Constitution”.2 and indeed must “interpret constitutional pro- visions in favour of freedoms”.3 Distinguished Participants, The Turkish Constitutional Court was estab- lished in 1962, and its powers were greatly expanded by the constitutional amendments On the other hand, constitu- of 2010 and 2017. The former amendment in- tional amendments enacted in troduced the individual application, otherwise 2017 granted the Constitution- known as the constitutional complaint mech- al Court the power to review anism, while the latter amendment replaced presidential decrees. With this the parliamentary system with the presidential competence, the Court has be- government. The Constitutional amendment come the “negative rule mak- of 2017 granted the President of the Republic er” in the field of executive in the authority to directly issue “presidential de- a similar vein to its role as “the crees” on certain matters related to the execu- negative legislator” with re- tive power. spect to the laws passed by the It is safe to argue that the individual application Parliament. system generated a paradigm shift in constitu- tional jurisdiction of Türkiye, which has clear Over the past three years, the Constitutional implications for the task of norm review includ- Court has established the framework and the ing the constitutionality review of presidential method for the judicial review of presidential decrees. decrees. Unlike the laws, the subject matters to With the introduction of the individual appli- be regulated through presidential decrees are cation mechanism, the Court has adopted a delimited by the Constitution. These limita- rights-based legal paradigm which attaches cer- tions, which are imposed on the competence ra- tain priorities to the protection of fundamental tione materiae, are laid down in the first four Mehmet Güçlü and Ramazan Erdem, no. 2015/7942, 28 May 2019, § 50; Cihangir Akyol [Plenary], no. 2021/33759, 23 2 February 2023, § 46). Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu [Plenary], no. 2019/10634, 1 July 2021, § 50; and Ali Kuş [Plenary], no. 2017/27822, 10 February 3 2022, § 50 93 sentences of paragraph 17 of Article 104 of the ment”. The incumbent provision was declared Constitution. unconstitutional on the grounds that it inter- fered with the right to protect personal data Again, unlike the laws, presidential decrees are safeguarded by Article 20 of the Constitution.6 subject to review by the Court in two separate stages. At the first stage, the Court reviews the competence ratione materiae of the presiden- tial decree in question. If the Court finds no vio- Thirdly, the President may not lation of limitation clauses, it examines whether issue presidential decrees on the the content or substance of the presidential de- matters which are prescribed in cree is compatible with the Constitution.4 the Constitution to be regulated Ladies and Gentlemen, exclusively by law. To illustrate, Let me briefly address four constitutional lim- the Court annulled a number of itations imposed on presidential decrees. First presidential decrees concern- of all, the President may issue presidential de- ing the appointment, qualifica- crees on the matters regarding executive pow- tions and personal rights of the er. In other words, the matters falling outside public officials, which must be the realm of the executive power shall not be reg- regulated by law in accordance ulated by the President. The Court, for instance, with Article 128 of the Constitu- annulled presidential decrees that amended the tion.7 laws passed by the Parliament, simply because amendment of a statutory provision entailed the exercise of legislative power.5 Finally, the fourth sentence of the paragraph 17 Secondly, the Constitution creates a kind provides that no presidential decree may be is- of “forbidden zone” for presidential decrees. sued concerning the matters which have been Accordingly, the constitutional rights and explicitly regulated by law. This entails that the liberties, such as the right to property, the right Constitutional Court shall declare any provision to privacy, and the protection of personal data, of a presidential decree as unconstitutional, if fall within the “forbidden zone” that cannot be its subject matter is already regulated by an act regulated by presidential decrees. In this regard, of Parliament.8 the Court reviewed the constitutionality of a provision which granted the Financial Crimes The second stage is for the Constitutional Court Investigation Board (MASAK) “the power to to review the constitutionality of the contents of request every kind of information and docu- presidential decrees. In its substantial judicial 4 See the Court’s decision, no. E. 2019/31, K.2020/5, 23 January 2020, §§ 8-13. 5 See the Court’s decision, no. E.2018/155, K.2020/27, 11 June 2020, § 23. 6 See the Court’s decision, no. E.2019/96, K. 2022/17, 24 February 2022, § 74. 7 See the Court’s decision, no. E.2022/36, K.2023/84, 4 May 2023, § 28 8 See the Court’s decision, no. E.2021/99, K.2022/119, 13 October 2022, §§ 21-22; no. E.2020/89, K.2023/85, 4 May 2023, §§ 13-14. 94 review, the Court has predominantly invoked Dear Participants, Article 2 of the Constitution and referred to its In concluding my remarks, I must note that by well-established definition of the rule of law. upholding the rule of law the Constitutional According to the Court, the rule of law requires Court has significantly contributed to further- a state that respects human rights, ensures the ing the public confidence towards law and judi- supremacy of the law on all state organs, deems ciary as well as strengthening the legitimacy of itself bound by the Constitution and the laws public institutions. and is subject to judicial review. 9 These are, in fact, the main functions that are The Court has underlined two important ele- expected from the constitutional courts. In- ments of the rule, namely the principles of legal deed, the “Bali Declaration” adopted last year certainty and of the legal security. The principle at the 5th Congress of the World Conference on of legal certainty requires that the legal regula- Constitutional Justice made it clear that “by tions must be absolutely clear, comprehensible guaranteeing the respect for the rule of law, and applicable to both individuals and public the constitutional court furthers the trust indi- authorities. This clarity is necessary to avoid ar- viduals place in the virtues of the law and the bitrary state actions.10 courts”. It also emphasised that by “ensuring that state actors respect the Constitution, the Likewise, the principle of legal security requires constitutional court helps to strengthen the le- public authorities to act in a foreseeable man- gitimacy of institutions”.12 ner. It prevents the state from enacting incon- sistent and contradictory legal provisions. The We all know that a well-ordered constitutional Constitutional Court annulled the presidential democracy is inconceivable without public confi- decrees that were contrary to the principles of dence in law and courts as well as a strong legiti- legal certainty and security.11 macy of the state institutions. Therefore, the con- stitutional courts, with their task of maintaining To sum up, the Constitutional Court upholds the the rule of law, have become almost indispensable rule of law through constitutional review of pres- for today’s constitutional democracies. idential decrees. The Court primarily controls the Let me end my speech by wishing that our limitations imposed on the competence of the courts will continue to effectively protect the President to issue decrees, and then substantially basic constitutional values, most notably hu- examines whether they are in compliance with the man rights, democracy and the rule of law. requirements of the rule of law. Thank you for your attention. 9 See the Court’s decision, no.E.2019/31, K.2020/5, 23 January 2020, § 37; and also, no. E.2022/113, K.2023/112, 22 June 2023, § 27. 10  See the Court’s decision, E.2022/113, K.2023/112, 22 June 2023, § 28; and also, no. E.2020/29, K.2022/155, 13 December 2022, § 38. 11  See, for instance, the Court’s decision, no. E.2019/111, K.2023/63, 05 April 2023, § 151. 12  For the text of “Bali Declaration” see 2022_10_06_WCCJ5_Bali_Communique-E.pdf (mkri.id). Retrieved on 18th October 2023. 95  Fjala e znj. Holta Zaçaj, Kryetare e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Shqipërisë1 GJYKATA KUSHTETUESE DHE POZICIONI I SAJ SI LIGJVËNËS NEGATIV Të nderuar kolegë e të ftuar, 1 pozicionin e kësaj gjykate si ligjvënës nega- tiv (në kuptimin kelsenian) duke i njohur lig- Më lejoni fillimisht që edhe në emër të Gjykatës jvënësit pozitiv (Parlamentit) detyrat e tjera që Kushtetuese të Shqipërisë të përgëzoj Kryetar- kanë të bëjnë me vënien në zbatim të parimeve en dhe Gjyqtaret e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të kushtetuese, duke pajtuar legjislacionin me to Kosovës për këtë organizim të shkëlqyer, si dhe e duke vepruar në përputhje me vendimin e të shpreh kënaqësinë dhe vlerësimin për mar- Gjykatës. rëdhëniet e shkëlqyera dhe bashkëpunimin e veçante mes dy gjykatave tona. Megjithatë, edhe për shkak të rolit në rritje të gjykatave kushtetuese jo vetëm si garante të su- premacisë së Kushtetutës, por si interpretueset Roli i Gjykatave përfundimtare të normës kushtetues përmes Kushtetuese vendimeve që kanë efekte detyruese për gjykatat e zakonshme, institucionet publike dhe indi- Roli më i rëndësishëm dhe i përbashkët i vidët, është fakt se binomi jokushtetutshmëri- Gjykatave Kushtetuese është zhvilluar në lidh- pavlefshmëri/nulitet që konfirmoi veprimtarinë je me legjislacionin, gjatë kontrollit abstrakt të fillestare si “ligjvënës negativ” është kapërcyer. pajtueshmërisë së tij me normat dhe parimet Gjatë kësaj periudhe kompetencat e gjykatave kushtetuese. Pushteti për të eliminuar nga kushtetuese janë zgjeruar në mënyrë progresive, rendi juridik dispozitat ligjore që nuk janë të duke marrë një rol më aktiv në interpretimin e pajtueshme me Kushtetutën përcakton edhe Contribution as originally delivered in Albanian. 1 96 Kushtetutës, dhe të vetë ligjeve të miratuara në bazë dhe zbatim të kësaj të fundit, në mënyrë që Gjykata në rolin jo vetëm t`i shfuqizojë ose moszbatojë ato kur kontrollues duke ruajtur janë jokushtetuese, por me qëllimin e mbrojtjes funksionin si ligjvënës së veprimtarisë së ligjvënësit dhe të akteve negativ normative të miratuara prej tij, t`i interpretojë Gjykata Kushtetuese, në mënyrë të vazh- ato, nëse është e mundur, duke i dhënë kuptimin dueshme, ka theksuar në jurisprudencën e saj që është në harmoni me Kushtetutën. pozicionin si ligjvënës negativ. P.sh në çështjen me objekt interpretimin e Ligjvënësi si interpretues shprehjes “akte e sjellje që diskreditojnë rëndë i normës kushtetuese pozitën dhe figurën” në disa nene të Kushtetutës, Gjykata është shprehur se për interpretimin e Bazuar në parimin e prezumimit të kushte- këtyre normave ajo nuk merr përsipër të kryejë tutshmërisë së ligjit, në jurisprudencën e saj rolin e legjislatorit pozitiv, duke parashikuar një Gjykata ka mbajtur qëndrimin ne jurispru- për një të gjitha rastet që mund të përfshihen dencën e saj se ajo nuk ka autoritet të kontrol- në këto shkaqe kushtetuese, sepse do të ishte e lojë synimet dhe drejtësinë e zgjidhjeve të apli- pamundur një gjë e tillë ndërkohë që Kushtetuta, kuara nga ana e ligjvënësit. Kjo do të thotë se, ligjet, apo edhe vendimet gjyqësore nuk mund lidhur me jokushtetutshmërinë e pretenduar të kodifikojnë me saktësi akte e sjellje të tilla. duhet të parashtrohen argumente bindëse për Në kushtet kur në Kushtetutë, apo edhe në ligjet t’i dhënë mundësi asaj që të vlerësojë nëse zg- e tjera elementet thelbësore të një procedure jidhjet ligjore të aplikuara shkelin normat dhe nuk gjejnë rregullim të hollësishëm, ato nuk vlerat kushtetuese. Kuvendi, si organi më i lartë mund të plotësohen nëpërmjet vendimit të saj përfaqësues dhe mbartës i sovranitetit të pop- interpretues, pasi interpretimi si funksion dhe ullit, është padyshim organi qendror dhe më i si metodë, ka vend për një normë ekzistuese rëndësishëm i pushtetit shtetëror dhe në ush- kur ka paqartësi në kuptimin e saj dhe jo për të trimin e këtij funksioni ai shfaqet edhe si inter- plotësuar boshllëkun, sepse përndryshe Gjykata pretues i normës kushtetuese pasi në kuadër të Kushtetuese do të vihej në pozicionin e gabuar zbatimit të politikave të caktuara në procesin e të krijuesit të normës juridike, funksion i cili i hartimit dhe miratimit të ligjeve duhet të ketë përket organit ligjvënës.3 parasysh se ato nuk duhet të vijnë në kundërsh- tim me dispozitat e Kushtetutës.2 Në vitin 2010, Presidenti i Republikës, në përmbushje të kompetencës për emërim- in e gjyqtarëve i dërgoi Kuvendit dekretet për plotësimin e disa vendeve vakante. Kuvendi, duke pretenduar paqartësi për çështje si krit- eret që duhet të plotësojnë kandidaturat, iu Vendimi nr. 29, datë 31.05.2010. 2 Vendimi nr. 75, datë 19.04.2002. 3 97 drejtua juridiksionit kushtetues me kërkesë për të ruajtur vlefshmërinë e tij dhe duke zgjed- për interpretimin e disa normave kushtetuese. hur këtë mënyrë interpretimi me qëllim që të Gjykata në këtë rast ritheksoi rolin e saj si lig- rrëzojë çdo qëndrim tjetër që mund të çojë në jvënës negativ, duke vlerësuar se Presidenti deklarimin jokushtetues të ligjit. dhe Kuvendi, gjatë ushtrimit të kompetencave E ndikuar nga zhvillimet jurisprudenciale të të tyre kushtetuese janë interpretuesit e parë të gjykatave kushtetuese të vendeve të tjera evropi- normës kushtetuese, çka do të thotë se u takon ane, Gjykata jonë Kushtetuese gjatë viteve të fun- atyre dhe jo Gjykatës Kushtetuese përcaktimi i dit ka aplikuar gjerësisht metodën e interpretimit kritereve që duhet të plotësojë një kandidaturë, pajtues të ligjit të kundërshtuar me Kushtetutën, pasi a contrario, kjo Gjykatë do të ndërhynte në duke vlerësuar se ky interpretim është i mundur ushtrimin e kompetencave kushtetuese të secil- kur një ligj apo dispozitë ligjore mund të inter- it prej këtyre organeve, duke cenuar parimin e pretohet në më shumë se një mënyrë, njëra nga të ndarjes dhe balancimit të pushteteve.4 cilat është në pajtim me Kushtetutën.5: Zhvillimi dhe ridimensionimi i rolit të Gjykatës përmes Gjykate është shprehur p.sh interpretimit pajtues se “Metoda e interpretim- it pajtues kërkon efektet Megjithatë Gjykatat Kushtetuese me kohën i kushtetuese të rezultateve të janë larguar modelit kelzenian duke zhvillu- ndryshme dhe përzgjedh re- ar mjete dhe instrumente juridike kushtetuese zultatin që është në pajtim me që shkojnë përtej modelit të ligjvënësit negativ vlerat kushtetuese. Bazuar dhe i lejojnë Gjykatës, në një masë të konsider- në këtë metodë interpretimi, ueshme, të vendosë rregulla që mbyllin drejt- Gjykata ka arritur në përfun- përsëdrejti boshllëqet e krijuara nga vendimet e dimin se një ligj i kundërshtu- saj për shfuqizimin e dispozitave ligjore. ar është kushtetues, me kusht që normat e tij të interpreto- Ideja për ta ruajtur ligjin i ka krijuar mundësinë hen në atë mënyrë siç ka bërë Gjykatës Kushtetuese të shmangë shfuqizimin Gjykata në vendimin e saj”.6 e tij për të mos krijuar boshllëqe ligjore, duke përzgjedhur një interpretim që i jep ligjit një kuptim të pajtueshëm me Kushtetutën. Kjo ka Në vlerësimin e Gjykatës “ një rregullim i pa- çuar gjykatat kushtetuese të vlerësojnë se kur saktë i normës ligjore, që i lë shteg zbatuesit një ligj mund të interpretohet në përputhje me t’i japë asaj kuptime të ndryshme dhe që sjell Kushtetutën, duhen bërë të gjitha përpjekjet pasoja, nuk shkon në përputhje me qëllimin, Vendimi nr. 24, datë 09.06.2011. 4 Po aty. 5 Vendimet nr. 29, datë 31.05.2010; nr. 30, datë 17.06.2010; nr. 33, datë 24.06.2010; nr. 5 datë 16.02.2012; nr.2, datë 6 18.01.2017; nr. 34 datë 10.04.2017. 98 stabilitetin, besueshmërinë dhe efektivitetin që të plotësuar kuadrin ligjor brenda një afati të synon vetë norma”.7 caktuar. Në këtë rast kompetencë e Gjykatës nuk është formulimi pozitiv i normës që mungon, por vetëm konstatimi se ometimi ekziston Gjykata si konstatuese dhe ka pasoja kushtetuese, pra se mosveprimi e ometimit dhe jo si i vetë ligjvënësit që e ka shkaktuar atë është plotësuese e tij jokushtetues. Një rol të rëndësishëm ka Gjykata Kushtetuese Në çështjen e vënë në lëvizje nga një organi- si në drejtim të ometimit legjislativ/normativ, zatë, për konstatimin e cenimit të së drejtës që shkaktohet nga mungesa fillestare e parashi- kushtetuese të votës së emigrantëve në zgjedhjet kimit legjislativ, ashtu edhe atij juridik, ose të e përgjithshme të vitit 2021, Gjykata konstatoi se shkaktuar për shkak të shfuqizimit të ligjit nga për shkak të mosmiratimit të akteve nënligjore Gjykata ose vetë ligjvënësi. nga KQZ-ja, ditën e zgjedhjeve u kufizua e drej- ta aktive e votës për shqiptarët me banim jashtë Gjykata Kushtetuese, në disa raste, edhe kur ka territorit të Shqipërisë. Për rrjedhojë, e drejta vendosur të shfuqizojë dispozitën ligjore/pjesë kushtetuese e votës e kësaj kategorie për shkak të saj, në përfundim ka theksuar edhe se ky të boshllëkut ligjor mbeti thjesht një parashikim shfuqizim nuk krijon boshllëk ligjor, ndaj nuk deklarativ, i pazbatueshëm efektivisht në prak- lind nevoja që organi ligjvënës të bëjë ndonjë tikë, duke mbetur në thelbin e saj iluzive.11 plotësim.8 Po kështu, një mjet tjetër që për- dor Gjykata është shtyrja në kohë e efekteve të Shembull tjetër vjen në rastin e ligjit për pro- vendimit, edhe pse kjo lejon vazhdimin e efek- cesin e trajtimit të pronave12, një histori kjo që teve juridike të ligjit ekzistues, për t`i dhënë ë ka shoqëruar Shqipërinë që prej ndryshimit kohë ligjvënësit që të reagojë dhe për të evituar të regjimit, dhe ku janë prodhuar një sërë ak- cenimin e të drejtave kushtetuese për shkak të tesh ligjore që kanë pësuar ndryshime të vazh- boshllëkut ligjor . 9 dueshme në kohë si pasojë edhe e ndërhyrjes së Gjykatës Kushtetuese ashtu edhe të GJED- Në lidhje me boshllëkun e shkaktuar nga NJ-së, Gjykata konstatoi kufizimin e së drejtës mungesa e veprimit të ligjvënësit, ligji organ- së pronës private edhe për shkak të mungesës ik i gjykatës10 në përputhje me nenin 132 të së rregullimit ligjor për situatën e ndryshimit që Kushtetutës, parashikon se kur gjatë shqyrtimit ka pësuar zëri kadastral i pronës ndër vite. Nga të çështjes konstatohet se ka boshllëk ligjor nga ky boshllëk ligjor kanë ardhur pasoja negative i cili kanë ardhur pasoja negative në të drejtat në të drejtën e pronës, duke i mohuar kompen- dhe liritë themelore të individit, Gjykata, veç simin e drejtë kësaj kategorie subjektesh. të tjerash, vendos detyrimin e ligjvënësit për 7 Vendimi nr. 43, datë 26.06.2015. 8 Vendimi nr. 15, datë 17.04.2003. 9 Vendimet nr. 1, date 12.01.2011; nr. 3, datë 05.02.1010; nr. 12, datë 14.04.2010. 10  Neni 76, pika 5, i ligjit nr. 8577, datë 10.02.2000 “Për organizimin dhe funksionimin e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Shqipërisë”. 11  Vendimi nr. 38, datë 09.12.2022. 12  Vendimi nr. 4, datë 15.02.2021. 99 Për rrjedhojë, në të dyja këto raste, Gjykata i la Edhe pse këto teknika të ndërhyrjes nuk synojnë kohë ligjvënësit për të miratuar rregullat e reja të ndërhyjnë në prerogativat e ligjvënësit, instru- ligjore në përputhje me vendimin e saj. mentet në dispozicion të gjykatave kushtetuese dhe zgjedhja për ta karakterizuar Kushtetutën si Në konkluzion duhet thënë se kur ushtron një dokument të parimeve dhe vlerave që hap një kontroll kushtetutshmërie Gjykata nuk kufizohet gamë të gjerë mundësish në mbrojtjen e të dre- domosdoshmërish tek norma ligjore ekzistuese, jtave të lirive themelore duket sikur e ka superu- por ajo mund të ushtrojë ndikim juridik në kri- ar konceptin e gjykatës kushtetuese si ligjvënës jimin dhe në përmbajtjen e normave ligjore të negativ. ardhshme. Megjithatë ushtrimi kësaj veprim- tarie kërkon veprimin dhe zgjidhjen nga organi Faleminderit! kompetent përmes miratimit, nëse është nevoja e strategjive për të adresuar çështjet që ka evi- dentuar Gjykata Kushtetuese. 100  Contribution by Mr. Aldis Laviņš, President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Latvia THE ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURTS IN RECONCILING THE APPLICATION OF EUROPEAN UNION AND INTERNATIONAL LAW WITH THE CONSTITUTIONAL IDENTITY Distinguished Colleagues! Therefore, today, in the session on the role of Constitutional Courts in strengthening the val- On behalf of the Latvian Constitutional Court, ues of democracy and rule of law, I would like to I am honoured to congratulate your highly re- focus on how to protect these values in practice, spected Court on anniversary of the establish- being a part of a united European family. The ment! subjects of abstract constitutional control sub- I would like to start my short presentation by mit an application to the Constitutional Court to empathising that at the end of last year, Koso- safeguard public interests, and that is why courts vo submitted an application for the European often examine so-called “values cases” within the Union membership. This is a very inspiring mile- framework of such a mechanism. stone for us, because the Constitutional Court of It is well known that European Union is based Latvia is strongly supporting the path of Kosovo on values of respect for human dignity, freedom, to the European Union. We are committed to in- democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect tensify our mutual dialogue to foster integration for human rights. In a similar way, the European of the legal system of Kosovo in a united Europe- Court of Human Rights has referred to “values of an legal space. 101 equality, diversity and pluralism” that underly constitutional identity. I will not elaborate on the Convention system. It appears safe to say, this issue due to time limit, instead I will pro- that the values underlying both European sys- vide you with a recent example how to reconcile tems – the European Union and the Council of constitutional identities of Member States with Europe – are similar, if not identical. the shared European values! In a recent preliminary procedure (so-called Cilēvičs e.a. case) the Latvian Constitutional court asked the European Court of Justice, At the same time the European whether the protection of the State Court of Human Rights accepts language, which in Latvia is understood as a national particularities and al- manifestation of national identity, may justify lows for margin of appreciation restriction on the freedom of establishment in complying with the Conven- within the European Union Member States. tion rights, and the European The case concerned a very strict limitation Union even protects national upon the higher education institutions to offer identities in Article 4(2) of the courses of study in foreign languages. In the Treaty on European Union. As application, submitted by twenty members of the Priest at St. Teresa’s Cathe- the Parliament, it was held that the contested dral said yesterday, “If roots are provisions restrict the fundamental rights to denied, we are no one”. That’s private property – as they entail restrictions why European common values on the freedom of establishment of citizens also emphasize the importance and companies originating from Member of Member State’s origins and States of the European Union. Contested heritage in shaping their iden- provisions make it more difficult for certain tity. undertakings established abroad to relocate to Latvia or to open some other place of business It is self-evident that there should not exist a in Latvia. Applicants correctly point out, in so conflict between the shared European values far as educational courses have to be provided and profound constitutional identities of Mem- (almost exclusively) in Latvian, many foreign ber States. In the last decade, there have been higher education institutions will be unable extensive discussions in Latvia about the core of to use a (probably significant) part of their the Constitution. Thus, it is recognized in Lat- administrative and teaching staff in Latvia. via that there are general constitutional values, The Court of Justice ruled, that European Union such as the rule of law, protection of the national law must be interpreted as not precluding leg- language, protection of the fundamental rights islation of a Member State which, in principle, among others. These values allow the Republic obliges higher education institutions to provide of Latvia to exist as a nation. Thus, not every- teaching solely in the official language of that thing provided under the Constitution would Member State, in so far as such legislation is automatically or instantly become the national justified on grounds related to the protection 102 of its national identity, and provided that it is restriction of their fundamental right, namely, necessary and proportionate to the protection the right to conduct commercial activity. of the pursued aim of national identity. Thus, we are allowed to be assured that in their Thus, the Court of Justice in principle con- absolute majority the value cases allow to con- firmed that the protection of the national lan- ciliate the national constitutional identity with guage may be based on a system of protection the supra-national obligations. which is different from that adopted by other Dear Colleagues! Member States. Taking this into account, the Constitutional identities and shared European Constitutional Court concluded that the bene- values are the “immutable cores” of the three fit of Latvian society from the restriction of the legal systems, which unite us in protecting De- fundamental rights of foreign entrepreneur out- mocracy and Rule of Law, not divide us! weighs the adverse consequences that private higher education institutions incur due to the 103  Contribution by Mr. Georg Lienbacher, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Austria THE ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURTS IN STRENGTHENING THE VALUES OF DEMOCRACY AND RULE OF LAW THROUGH ABSTRACT CONTROL OF CONSTITUTIONALITY OF NORMS I. The current events and disputes in various cally legitimised parliament. countries in Europe and around the world are The free democratic constitutional state there- calling to our attention the fundamental pillars fore consists of a democratically legitimised le- of our society with the utmost clarity. What is gal system, fundamental rights and freedoms, the position of the citizen in the polity and po- and a system of institutions for legal protection, litical community? And in which way has the primarily in the form of independent and im- power of state to be limited in respect of the partial courts, which ensure compliance with individual? We have answered these questions the legal system both in the relationship be- by stating that freedom of the individual is in tween the state and its citizens and in the rela- principle unlimited, while power of the state tionship between citizens themselves. may only be excersised on basis of legal provi- The democratic state under the rule of law is sions that have come about in a democratically perfected in the constitutional state, which legitimised process. Therefore, any state inter- guarantees and safeguards the supremacy of vention can ultimately be linked back to the will the constitution and thus secures and stabilises of the people as manifested in the law, which is the entire structure of the constitutional state. conveyed in the law by the directly democrati- 104 Every state action must find its basis in the con- tional, was revolutionary. This competence to stitution and has to be in conformity with it. In anull laws and statutes in particular was mon- particular this also means, that laws and stat- oplised at the onstitutional Court. utes are reviewed on the basis of the constitu- In this way, however, a Constitutional Court in- tion and, in case of contradicition, are annulled directly becomes a player in the political field by a (Constitutional) Court. This is the only way and, passively, inevitably and unavoidably, to ensure a legal system free of contradictions, a political actor, not because it acts political- which will ultimately be accepted by the people. ly itself, but because it effects political activity through its constitutional decisions. It is there- fore a “borderline organ” between law and pol- itics. The Constitutional Court must question II. The effectiveness and poten- the constitutionality of political concepts that cy of the constitution depends have been passed into law. In the event of con- on its enforcement. The accep- tradiction, it must repeal the laws and statutes. tance of the constitution and The decisions of a Constitutional Court affect thus the acceptance of the en- public life society and the structure of the state tire legal system is also relat- more directly and lastingly than the decisions of ed to its enforcement. In mod- other courts, because they have general effects, ern democratic constitutional above all in the proceedings for reviewing laws, states, enforcement of the con- statutes and ordinances, which often even have stitution is ensured by special- direct consequences for all people or affect the ised Constitutional Courts. It interaction of state bodies. For this reason, deci- is the (supreme) “guardian of sions of Constitutional Courts, especially those the constitution”. that abolish statutory laws, are often of eminent political importance, even if they “merely” in- The concept of constitutional review by a spe- volve the resolution of (constitutional) legal is- cialized court was significantly developed by sues. This has become very clear in the recent Hans Kelsen and first implemented by the Aus- decisions of the Austrian Constitutional Court trian Constitutional Court in 1920. In terms of on pandemic control measures, assisted suicide, the rule of law, Kelsen started from the funda- the wearing of the Islamic headscarf or same sex mental consideration that constitutional dis- marriage as examples. In addition, decisions re- putes, i.e. disputes over the interpretation and lating to state organisation have this character. application of the Constitution, are not only If I may again mention an Austrian example, political but also legal conflicts. As legal con- the annulment of the 2016 federal presidential flicts, they can and must be decided by an in- election caused a strong interest and stir. dependent and impartial court. Back then the III. As independent and impartial courts, idea that this also covered parliamentary acts, Constitutional Courts resolve constitutional i.e. laws and statutes that were repealed by the questions referred to them by interpreting and Consitutional Court if they were unconstitu- applying constitutional law. Although their de- 105 cisions may have major political impact, their the ban on Islamic headscarves for schoolgirls activities remain jurisdiction. A law or statute at elementary school. The law was repealed. that violates the constitution must be abolished The two decisions serve as an example of how by the Constitutional Courts as unconstitution- the decisions of Constitutional Courts have on al, regardless of considerations of political ex- the one hand far-reaching political implica- pediency. The supremacy of the Constitution is tions. On the other hand, Constitutional Courts guaranteed and thus enforced. are constantly forced to develop considerable On an abstract level, this seems trivial; in prac- legal or, better, constitutional innovation when tice it remains a challenge. The constitution is applying constitutional standards of review. more open to interpretation than any other le- The fact that the Austrian constitutional system gal provisions. As an example, I cite a sentence contains a fundamental right to free self-deter- from the Austrian Federal Constitution: “All mination and a requirement of religious and citizens are equal under the law.” What has the ideological neutrality was, at least until these jurisprudence of the Austrian Constitutional exemplary decisions, not commonly known Court made of this? In its decision on assisted among legal circles. suicide, the Constitutional Court derived the Generally speaking, Constitutional Courts are fundamental right to free self-determination faced with the question of whether they should from the principle of equality in conjunction be more restrained in their jurisprudence, with the right to private life (Art. 8 ECHR) and i.e. whether they should emphasize “judicial the right to life (Art. 2 ECHR). This right to self-restraint”, or whether they should practice free self-determination includes both the right “judicial activism”. In the European Constitu- to decide how to live and the right to die with tional Court network, the answer to this ques- dignity. A prohibition under criminal law of tion is to some extent taken out of the hands of any assistance in suicide, irrespective of specif- the Constitutional Courts. Not least because of ic circumstances, contradicts this right to free the “living instrument” approach of the ECtHR self-determination. The statutory provision in (European Court of Human Rights) in apply- question was therefore repealed. ing the ECHR (European Convention of Hu- In its decision on the Islamic headscarf ban in man Rights), the member states of the Council elementary schools, the Austrian Constitutional of Europe and thus many of the Constitutional Court derived the requirement of religious and Courts represented here today are called upon ideological neutrality of the state from the prin- to understand and interpret fundamental rights ciple of equality in conjunction with freedom of in the light of current social conditions in a law religion (Art. 9 ECHR). A legal rule that singels developing manner. out a certain religious or ideological conviction IV. With the examples mentioned, I want to by specifically privileging or discriminating emphasise and underline that Constitutional against it, requires an objective justification Courts and thus judges of the Constitutional with regards to the requirement of religious and Court bear a very special responsibility for the ideological neutrality. No justification in re- polity and society. spect of these principles could be identified for 106 The ideal judge of the Constitutional Court ful- From an Austrian perspective, I can report that fills his or her responsible and challenging task we are confronted with constitutional politi- of clarifying constitutional issues by maintain- cal discussions at regular intervals, especially ing a distance from party-political social or per- after attention-getting decisions. In these dis- sonal interests and by deciding without preju- cussions, people sometimes consider how to dice on the basis of the constitution. In abstract, “tame” the Constitutional Court. These discus- this seems completely uncontroversial, but in sions proceed comparatively innocuously. More practice it can be difficult. As judges of the Con- recently, in response to politically unpleasant stitutional Court, we must try every day again to decisions, there has been a debate about pub- live up to this ideal. But that is not enough! We lishing dissenting oppinions. Politicians in- must also make it visible to the outside world tended to obtain knowledge of voting behaviour that we are fulfilling this ideal. The great diffi- and the decision making process within the culty is not only to show the professional world court, in order to break through the secrecy of that we are a court that decides in accordance deliberations and votes and to eliminate the with applicable (constitutional) law, we also uniform appearance of the Constitutional Court have to explain this to the society. We are not to to the outside world. Yes, there have even been be categorised as political actors; we are judges considerations to publish the voting behavior who must decide constitutional disputes, irre- of the single judges. All this would significantly spective of their political impact. Depending on impair and fundamentally change the culture of the success of our efforts to communicate our deliberation that has existed for 103 years and judicial activities to the general public, accep- thus would make the work of the Constitution- tance of our activities will grow and we will be al Court more difficult. This also endangers the understood independently and separately from constitutional control of abstract legislation political activities by other supreme bodies in since this is particularly central in such discus- the state. sions. In the past, as is so often the case after such political considerations, the public debate has shown, that society’s acceptance of the Consti- Acceptance in society is the tutional Court is very high. The political propos- greatest asset of Constitution- als have been heavily criticised in public. The al Courts and thus the greatest propsed amendments were not well received asset concerning the control of and have only recently been dismissed. Howev- abstract legislation. Ultimate- er, with a view to other European Constitutional ly, this acceptance protects Courts, such discussions do not always proceed Constitutional Courts from in- in such an innocuous manner. We must note terference by politicians who that the free democratic state under the rule of disagree with decisions of the law is now being challenged in particular by re- Constituional Court. structuring of Constitutional Courts and by re- strictions on competences in certain countries, 107 to an extent that we would have never thought a real risk that other branches of the State could possible in Europe. exercise undue discretion undermining the in- tegrity of the outcome of the appointment pro- V. It is not just a matter of constitutional juris- cess, such a violence will be assumed. Thus, the diction, but of very fundamental issues: ECtHR has found a violation of the right to the If, in context of preliminary ruling proceedings judicial body by a decision of the Polish Consti- at the ECJ, it has to be clarified as a preliminary tutional Court. This decision involved a mem- question whether a national court has the status ber who had been unlawfully appointed. of a court at all, serious legal issues in regard of However, the fundamental requirements for ju- the rule of law are evident. Additionally, these dicial independence, which are derived directly issues jeopardises the control of abstract legis- from Art. 47 CFR and Art. 6 ECHR as well as lation. By trying to classify this in legal terms, from Art. 19 TEU, do not only focus on the ap- we are dealing with a fundamental right, the pointment process. It is also decisive whether right to the legal judge as down by law. On an domestic law complies with EU law. To the ex- European Union level, this right is derived from tent that such an error affects the national ap- Article 47 section 2 of the CFR, the right to a tri- pointment procedure, it also affects the specific bunal previously established by law, and Arti- decision, which thus becomes unlawful. This cle 6 section 1 of the ECHR. Of course, this also applies in particular to the procedure of ab- applies to all member states of the Council of stract judicial review of statutes and laws. This Europe on basis of the ECtHR. protects aspects of the rule of law such as the The ECJ and the ECtHR assume a violation of independence of the judiciary and, above all, of these provisions, when there is a flagrant vio- constitutional jurisdiction, which always seem lation of legal provisions governing the courts to come under particular pressure in current and if this violation fundamentally impairs the threats to the rule of law. This also gives special protective purpose of the right to a tribunal es- legitimacy to the repeal of law in the procedure tabilshed by law. This is the case, when there of abstract judicial review of statutes and laws. is any appearance of arbitrariness or if there are circumstances that give rise to a reasonable doubt in the minds of individuals as to the in- dependence and the impartiality of the court. In Austria, these guarantees Above all, the appearance that other state au- are known as an independent thorities exert undue influence on the composi- fundamental right to the lawful tion and jurisdiction of the court violates Article judge, which was introduced 47 of the charter. during the monarchy in 1867 to The before mentioned provisions of the CFR combat illiberal monarchical and the ECHR are violated by a court’s decision, tendencies in the state system. if there were flagrant errors in the appointment In 1920, it was incorporated procedure of the deciding judges. As soon as into the Federal Constitution. the irregularity is of such gravity that it creates 108 VI. Given the many discussions on legal policy In Austria, we also have introduced open house and also the increasing threats to constitutional days and opened the Constitutional Court for jurisdiction, let me conclude with a thought that interested members of the public. We try to give is important to me. tours of the court to groups that show interest and explain what our job is. With the media Constitutional Courts can contribute a lot to presence in important cases and the thus visible protect themselves from threats to the rule of places where the decisions are announced, the law and thus to preserve their function for the interest in being able to see the premises that free democratic rule of law and in particular are visible in the media in reality has increased for the abstract judicial review of statutes and significantly. We use this interest to provide as laws. Firstly, I would like to return to the issue much information about us as possible. The vis- of acceptance. Broad acceptance in society is itors are interested! probably the largest capital of the Constitution- al Courts against political interests to impair In addition to such activities at a national level, and restrict their work. Constitutional Courts I believe that it is highly necessary for Constitu- must also acquire this capital. At the top of the tional Courts to support each other and to coop- list stands consistent and consequent jurispru- erate in a supportive manner, especially when dence that does not appear to be influenced threats to the rule of law arise. Informal meet- by opinions among the population or political ings on multilateral level, such as those that ex- forces. We have to make it visible to the outside ist in certain areas, e.g. the six-member meeting world that we are committed only to the con- between the ECtHR, the ECJ, the BVerfG (Ger- stitution and that other influences will bounce man Constotutional Court), the VfGH (Austrian off. This also means explaining the case law in a Constitutional Court), the Liechtenstein StGH generally understandable way, at least in those (Constitutional Court of Liechtenstein) and cases that cause public stir or that cause partic- Swiss Federal Court every two years, which al- ular political excitement. In Austria, for exam- low a trustful exchange. However, there are also ple, we have started to accompany such cases formal associations on European and interna- with press releases after the parties have been tional level that offer a range of possibilities. notified. In these press releases the result of From Austria’s point of view, bilateral contacts the decision and the reasoning is explained in in particular have become very important. We generally understandable language. Especial- conduct such in large numbers. We have to use ly in the case of legislative repeals, this plays a them to support each other and expand the pos- significant role. This also has the effect of pre- sibilites. Last but not least, the legal protection venting the press from reporting incorrectly as mechanism of European Union law for Consti- of a result of not understanding the decision. tutional Courts of states belonging to the EU is We have learned that publishing all decisions also of major importance. anonymously is not enough to create transpar- VII. I am not only a constitutional judge, but ency and understandability. More generally, we also a legal researcher. As a researcher, one is also have to explain to society what we do, how required throughout one’s life to question ev- we are organised and how we make decisions. erything critically. I ask you to forgive me for 109 not being able to put aside this critical attitude ocratic constitutional state as a whole. All the at this conference as well. more I would like to thank you for the invitation and wish especially the Kosovar Constitutional It is of high importance to me to support the Court that its contribution to the support and in idea of the constitutional jurisdiction and es- the development of a free democratic constitu- pecially the abstract judicial review of statutes tional state, especially in regard to the abstract and laws of the Consitutinoal Courts. By do- judicial review of statutes and laws, is indis- ing so I want to contribute to the stability of pensable and remains indispensable. the Constitutional Courts and thus also of the Kosovar Consititutional Court and a free dem- 110  Contrbituion by Mr. José Figueiredo Dias, Judge at the Constitutional Tribunal of Portugal THE ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURTS IN STRENGTHENING THE VALUES OF DEMOCRACY AND THE RULE OF LAW THROUGH ABSTRACT CONTROL OF THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF NORMS - AN OVERVIEW OF THE PORTUGUESE SYSTEM M y presentation is an overview of the Por- tuguese system from the perspective of the specific theme of our session. It is divided although papal recognition only arrived in 1179, with the bull Manifestis Probatum. However, although we are an old country, our current into five parts, focusing especially on the last Constitution is quite recent, at least compared one. to those of many European countries. After a 48-year dictatorship, a revolution estab- Part I. The Constitution lished a democratic regime in Portugal on 25th of the Portuguese April 1974 (the “Revolution of Carnations”, as it Republic of 1976 is still called). One year later, following the first free elections in our country, a constituent as- Portugal, unlike Kosovo, is an old country. It sembly was elected with the mandate to draft a dates back to 1143, when our first king, D. Afon- new democratic constitution, which came into so Henriques, and Afonso VII of Leon and Cas- force a year later, in 1976. tile (now Spain) signed the Treaty of Zamora, 111  ples of a democratic state based on the rule of Part II. The Portuguese law” (Article 9). Constitutional Court Among the constituent elements of the demo- The first constitutional amendment took place cratic principle in the Portuguese Constitution six years later. At the time, there was the Coun- are the principle of the sovereignty of the peo- cil of the Revolution, a military institution, in ple, the principle of representation, the prin- which a body called the Constitutional Commis- ciple of separation of powers, the principle of sion acted as the supreme judicial body in mat- suffrage, and the principle of proportional rep- ters of constitutional review. The Constitutional resentation. Commission was extinguished with this amend- The rule of law is referred in Article 2 and ment and the Constitutional Court was created, Article 9(b), which state that Portugal is a dem- becoming responsible in the last instance for ocratic state based on the rule of law. There reviewing the constitutionality of laws in Por- are three material assumptions inherent to the tugal. The Court began its activity in April 1983, principle: legality, constitutionality, and funda- having celebrated this year its fortieth anniver- mental rights and freedoms, which are a cor- sary. nerstone of the Portuguese Constitution. Part III. The democratic Some of the sub-principles that make the rule principle and the rule of of law possible are: law • the principle of the constitutional state, which implies the need for constitution- I would now like to emphasize the democrat- al review (Articles 277 and following); ic principle and the rule of law as part of the • the principle of the independence of basic principles, or fundamental axes, of the the courts and access to the law and the Portuguese Constitution. There is an intrinsic courts; and express constitutional connection between • the principle of legality of administra- these two principles: the Constitution refers to tion (i.e. the subjection of the Adminis- a “democratic rule of law”. tration to the law); The democratic principle is referred mul- • the principle of protection of legitimate tiple times in the Constitution, in which it is expectations; stated, for example, that the Portuguese Re- • the principle of legal security; public is based on “the will of the people” (Ar- • the principle of proportionality; ticle 1); that “[t]he Portuguese Republic is a • procedural guarantees, especially in democratic state based on the rule of law, the criminal proceedings (Article 32). sovereignty of the people, plural democratic expression and political organisation” (Article 2); that sovereignty “lies with the people” (Ar- ticle 3); and that it is the fundamental task of the State to guarantee “respect for the princi- 112  adoption of necessary legislative measures by Part IV. Constitutional the competent legislative bodies. review in the Portuguese Constitution 2. Competent body: successive abstract review is a concentrated review, which means it is reserved to the Constitutional Court. Since the Constitution is the basic law of the country, the entire legal order must be in accor- All Portuguese courts are competent to carry dance with it (a corollary of the Constitution as out concrete review regarding any questions of the Basic Law of a country). Thus, it is necessary constitutionality raised in a specific case, with to ensure that the Constitution is respected by the possibility of appeal to the Constitutional lower-ranking legal provisions. Court, but only the Constitutional Court has the authority to deem a norm unconstitutional with In this framework, the Constitutional Court ap- general binding force. pears as the main actor of constitutional justice, with powers to decide, without the possibility of appeal, on questions of constitutionality. 3. Initiative / standing: abstract consti- tutional review may only be requested by certain public entities, and it is not open to most There are four types of constitutional review citizens. These entities are the President of the laid down in the Constitution: anticipatory ab- Republic, the Speaker of Parliament, the Prime stract review; successive abstract review; con- Minister, the Ombudsperson, the Attorney Gen- crete review; and unconstitutionality by omis- eral, one tenth of the Members of Parliament, sion. Only the second one interests us for the and regional authorities (regarding legal provi- purposes of this panel, so I will only talk about sions that affect the Autonomous Regions). successive abstract review. Part V. Abstract review 4. Object: successive abstract review is in- dependent of any specific dispute pend- ing a court decision. It scrutinizes legal provi- of the constitutionality of sions in force, whose formation process has norms in the Portuguese already been completed, including their official Constitution publication. In the last but most important part, I will very All legal provisions are covered, notably con- briefly address 7 aspects of this type of consti- stitutional review laws, legislative acts (includ- tutional review: ing laws of Parliament, Government decrees 1. and legislative decrees of the autonomous re- One caveat: I will limit myself to dis- gions), international conventions, legal provi- cussing what we call “positive unconstitu- sions issued by international organizations of tionality”. In Portugal, we also have unconsti- which Portugal is a member, normative reso- tutionality by omission, which is a very original lutions of Parliament, and regulations of the modality in terms of comparative law, but of Administration. Political acts, administrative little practical relevance. The Constitutional acts, and judicial acts and judicial decisions Court, in this case, verifies the non-compliance are excluded. with the Constitution resulting from the lack of 113 5. Effects of a declaration of uncon- stitutionality: a declaration of uncon- stitutionality has generally binding force and never judges a legal provision constitutional. Rather, in a negative decision, there is a judg- ment of non-unconstitutionality. These deci- entails the retroactive invalidation of the legal sions do not, however, have general binding norm. This means that the legal norm does not effects. 7. produce any effects from the beginning and The importance of the request prin- cannot continue to be applied by any court or ciple: the Constitutional Court always authority. acts at the request of entities with legal standing The general binding force of the declaration of and not on the initiative of any of its Justices. unconstitutionality means that the declaration The request delimits the scope of the Court’s is binding on all constitutional bodies, courts jurisdiction to the provisions in question. How- and administrative authorities; we say it has ever, Justices are not limited by the cause of the force of law, meaning that the judgment has action, and may deem the provision unconsti- normative value, to the extent that it eliminates tutional on different grounds. the rule from the legal system. I will finish by underlying the importance of 6. Inexistence of unconstitutionality (denial of the request for a declaration of unconstitutionality): the Constitutional Court successive abstract review in the Court’s activ- ity, not only statistically, but especially in terms of its public repercussion and effects. 114  Contribution by Ms. Marie Baker1, Judge of the Supreme Court of Ireland THE SUPREME COURT of IRELAND CÚIRT UACHTARACH NA HÉIREANN THE IRISH SUPREME COURT AS GUARDIAN OF THE CONSTITUTION: RESTRAINT, LEGITIMACY, AND COURAGE I n 2024, the Irish Supreme Court will celebrate its centenary marking its status as one of the great old ladies of Supreme Courts. Indeed, we of, for example, the Venice Commission or the European Court of Human Rights. We largely derived the principles that underlie our Consti- also see ourselves as one of the great old ladies of tution from two broad traditions; republican- constitutional courts in Europe. The Irish Consti- ism rooted in the Ancient Greek concept of the tution (or Bunreacht na hÉireann) was adopted in Republic and the threads of liberalism flowing 1937 but the first constitution of the independent from the Enlightenment. (See generally Tom Irish State was adopted in 1922. This predated the Hickey and Eoin Carolan, The political theory establishment of the Supreme Court but the basic of the Irish Constitution: Republicanism and structure of the Court is fundamentally the same the basic law (Manchester University Press as that envisioned 102 years ago when our first 2015) and Eoin Daly, ‘Republican themes in Constitution was adopted. (See Gerard Hogan, the Irish constitutional tradition’ (2016) 41(2) The Origins of the Irish Constitution, 1928-1941 Études Irlandaises 163). This is apparent from (Royal Irish Academy 2012)). 1 the text which stresses popular sovereignty, the The framers of our Constitution, perhaps ob- democratic nature of the State, the dignity of viously given the date of its adoption, did not the individual, fundamental freedoms, and the have the benefit the drafters of the Kosovan power to strike down legislation for inter alia Constitution had, with the insight and guidance exceeding the threshold of permissible inter- 1 Judge of the Irish Supreme Court. This is an amended draft of the paper originally presented orally at the conference marking the 14th Judicial Year of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo. 115 ference with these fundamental freedoms. It date of the reference. It comes to our Court with protects, as you would imagine, a right to life, some drama, alongside significant political and le- property, freedom of expression, bodily integri- gal importance, as the draft legislation which has ty, and enshrines an equality guarantee. been passed by both houses of parliament is deliv- Naturally, all courts in the Irish legal system are ered to us by motorbike. Ironically, the legislation bound to act in accordance with the Constitu- now in question is for the appointment of judges. tion and within the confines of the judicial role This is a somewhat awkward position for us par- for which it provides. However, there is a funda- ticularly as the defence of the proposed reforms mental difference between the roles of the Su- is to remove the appearance that political prefer- perior Courts, namely the High Court, Court of ences might play a role in judicial appointments. Appeal, and unsurprisingly the Supreme Court) It is also particularly high-profile due to the antici- and that of the lower courts of local and limited pated legal issues particularly the expectation that jurisdiction. The Superior Courts alone have the we will be asked to pronounce the meaning of the power to interpret the Constitution, to decide separation of powers between the legislature and whether legislation is compliant with the Con- executive of the State.2 stitution and therefore whether the legislation This casts a spotlight on our practice of restraint must be declared repugnant and struck down. and reminds us of one of our greatest challenges This judicial review power is expressly provided as a Court, building and maintaining our legiti- for in Article 34.1.2° of the Constitution. macy. We may be the old lady of constitutional We did have what was described as quite an active courts, but we are aware of the cold winds blow- Supreme Court over the years but more recently ing around us. It is undoubtedly the case that the we have shown to a large extent a degree of re- people of Ireland hold the Constitution in high straint. This has mirrored the transition of the Su- regard. This is reflected, not only in its frequent preme Court from a general to a selective appellate invocation before the courts, but further in its court hearing cases only on issues of general public symbolic display at political protests. There is importance and/or in the interests of justice. Our a broad consensus of respect for the courts, but jurisdiction has a unique feature, which may seem this is regularly tested and there is, as in most of quite mundane in jurisdictions with dedicated Europe, a growing discontent with the perceived constitutional courts, in that Article 26 of the Con- status quo, the influence on public opinion by stitution allows the President to refer a Bill to the misinformation, and broader trends with which Supreme Court prior to signing it into law where we are all too familiar. We are acutely aware of the President is satisfied a constitutional question the requirement to maintain our legitimacy, and is raised by the legislation. It is an infrequently we have done this over the last number of years utilised power, and there have been only 15 refer- particularly through a conversation surrounding ences since the adoption of the 1937 Constitution. constitutional interpretation focusing on rights We received such a reference just over a week ago, which form part of our constitutional law which which marks the first since 2005. It is also unique- can be said to be either express or derived from ly stressful as this procedure requires that a final the Constitution itself. judgment be handed down in 60 days from the For final judgment see Re Article 26 of the Constitution and the Judicial Appointments Commission Bill 2022 [2023] IESC 2 34 (Summary). 116 In the 1980s, the Supreme Court was described as two primary arguments, (1) that the Plan failed activist and understood to be inspired by the Unit- to adequately vindicate rights guaranteed by the ed States Supreme Court under the leadership of Constitution and the European Convention of Chief Justice Earl Warren (1953 – 1969). In that Human Rights and (2) that the Plan was ultra era, the Court delivered a series of decisions seen vires the Climate Action and Low Carbon De- as expansionary and quite bold. The outcomes of velopment Act 2015. The Plan was struck down the interpretative process surrounding the text but on analysis of the legislative framework un- of the Constitution often took the public by sur- der which it was adopted, as it was held not to prise and have been the subject of fierce contin- be sufficiently specific to meet the requirements ued debate by academics. There was a sense that of the Act or substantiate the methods through the judges of the Court, when asked if a particu- which the State would transition to a low carbon lar right could be inferred from the constitutional and climate resilient economy by 2050. In the text or broader Irish constitutional order, would course of the judgment, we expressed the view consider if the subject of a proposed right merit- that we did not think that there existed in Irish ed protection before turning to produce analysis law a constitutional right to a clean environment, which defended their conclusion. This critique but that the right to life, health, and property certainly does not hold today, we are conscious may allow some ideas of environmental protec- of difficulties the interpretative process can play tion to emerge from the Constitution. This was for us and now firmly ground our analysis with- a highly restrained approach, and ultimately the in the constitutional text (See Chief Justice Donal correct approach as recourse to the Constitution O’Donnell, ‘The Sleep of Reason’ (2017) 40 Dub- was not required for the resolution of the dispute. lin University Law Journal 191, and for an outside Similarly, we were asked a number of years ago perspective Tom Hickey, ‘How to Adjudicate a to legitimise the right of a woman with multiple Rights Case in Irish Constitutional Law’ (2023) sclerosis to be assisted in her suicide (Fleming 5 Irish Supreme Court Review). Through careful v Ireland [2013] IESC 19). We rejected this on consideration of the text, its principles, its values, the basis that it is not possible to derive a right and the structure of the constitutional order it en- to assisted suicide from the existing Constitution, visages, we have moved from the idea of imply- partly because of the right to life but more im- ing rights towards that of deriving rights. While portantly because without a structured legislative international instruments are useful, this move to framework within which assisted suicide could ground our practice centrally on the constitution- happen, it would be wrong for the Court to de- al text has been an asset to the Court, particularly clare a general right. Restraint is evidently a core considering the building of legitimacy (See James feature of the functioning of our Court and one Rooney, ‘International Law as a Source of Unenu- which, alongside our commitment to the provi- merated Rights: Lessons from the Natural Law’ sion of the reasons and reasoning of the Court in (2019) 42 Dublin University Law Journal 141). extensive written judgments, has been central to This came to its height when Friends of the Irish the maintenance of our legitimacy. Environment challenged the Climate Mitiga- Finally, we are concerned to show that our Court tion Plan 2017 adopted by the Irish government ultimately has courage. That courage matters (Friends of the Irish Environment v Govern- when it comes to making decisions that appear ment of Ireland [2020] IESC 49). They pursued to cut against the preferences of government. A 117 recent example concerns the constitutionality of judgment, the Chief Justice gave a short com- the Comprehensive Trade and Economic Agree- ment on which it is fitting to close: ment (Costello v Ireland [2022] IESC 44). We said it breached the constitutional identity of the Irish courts if a foreign arbitration body could It would be a mistake to think decide on the meaning of Irish law and that its that, in any human system ratification in its current form was unaccept- of judging, that there are not able. Notwithstanding its dissatisfaction with many factors which are capa- this, government accepted and respected the ble of affecting judges who can- decision. A further recent judgment which was not reach their decisions in the certainly unpopular with government concerned abstract. However, it would be the composition of our second house of parlia- an error of even greater pro- ment, the Seanad, which is not elected on univer- portions to assume that these sal suffrage but rather by institutional, vocation- considerations control courts’ al, and university panels (Heneghan v Minister decision-making. It would be for Housing [2023] IESC 7). 43 years ago, the wrong to refrain from mak- Irish people indicated in a referendum that the ing a finding of constitution- composition of the electorate for the election of ality because the result would the university panels should be changed and yet be inconvenient or worse, and nothing followed this. Many bodies were estab- equally incorrect, to find some- lished to consider how a new form of university thing unconstitutional, which panel would evolve, many discussions were had, was not. In truth, courts should but still nothing happened. The Court declared attempt to address all cases on unconstitutional the legislation underlying the their merits, and the only rele- current Senate representation. We were then vant consideration is whether asked by the Attorney General to grant a five the test to be adopted and ap- year stay on that declaration, which would have plied, make that already diffi- meant the end of the current parliament and that cult task easier, or more diffi- any legislative change would happen in the term cult. of a new legislature. This would have passed the admittedly prickly problem to the next admin- This shows the difficulties that courts, par- istration and was rejected, although a stay was ticularly younger courts like the Constitu- placed on the declaration of unconstitutionality tional Court of Kosovo, will come up against (Heneghan v Minister for Housing [2023] IESC when faced with pressure and criticism. The 18). We recognised on one hand that it would be indispensable need for courage cannot be un- wrong for us to allow an unconstitutional stat- derstated. The respect we have garnered and ute to exist on the statute book. We further rec- maintained as a Court from the public and gov- ognised that if we struck it down immediately ernment flows from this courage particularly without some stay, there would be no possibil- against a backdrop of restraint and continued ity of ever fixing the problem as we would not regard for legitimacy. I have witnessed an abun- have a legislature capable of passing legislation dance of such courage in my time in Kosovo and in accordance with the Constitution. During that been reminded that we cannot forget it. 118  Contribution by Mr. Tom Ginsburg, Professor of Comparative Constitutional Law at Chicago University Law School JUDICIAL REPUTATION (drawn from Nuno Garoupa and Tom Ginsburg, Judicial Reputation (University of Chicago Press, 2015) and used with permission) and sustained. In this excerpt we provide a the- I. INTRODUCTION ory of judicial reputation, and provide evidence Reputation is crucial in many arenas, and judg- of the institutional consequences from a range ing is no exception. A judge with a good reputa- of legal systems. tion will enjoy the esteem of his friends and col- Reputation is the stock of judgments about per- leagues and may have chances for advancement formance, which is produced by those who have to higher courts. A judiciary that operates effec- accurate information. Judicial reputation plays tively will earn respect within its own political two important roles. First, it conveys informa- system and internationally, and may become a tion to the uninformed general public about the model for other countries, providing opportu- quality of the judiciary (more generally, about nities for travel and exchange for judges. A ju- the legal system) as perceived by the relevant diciary with a poor reputation, in contrast, will audiences. Second, reputation fosters esteem find itself starved of both resources and respect. for the profession and for the individual judge, Despite the sense that reputation is important, both self-esteem and esteem in the eyes of oth- we know very little about how judicial reputa- ers. A judiciary with high esteem is likely to be tion is produced. We understand that some able to garner more material resources and to judges and judiciaries are viewed as successful be more insulated from other political actors and others are not, but we do not really have who might expropriate such resources. any theories about how reputation is developed 119 The reputation of the judiciary, individually or entiate the separate individual contributions to as a whole, determines its status in any given the production of justice or judicial decisions; society and its ability to compete effectively we do not know what each individual judge for resources within the government. We do contributed to a collective decision. Because of not specify a universal reputation function for this we also need information about the aggre- judges, and recognize that judges in different gate performance of the judiciary; the whole is systems will seek reputations for different qual- more than the sum of individual contributions. ities—such as predictability, wisdom, and effi- Consequently, an important task of institution- ciency—that might not be valued in other sys- al design is to incentivize the optimal balance tems. Whatever the definition of judicial quality of investments into the different components in a particular legal system, reputation emerges of reputation, to match the needs of any given as a relevant factor and plays an important role. society. We argue that reputation can be divided into We also argue that different legal systems con- individual and collective components. Individ- figure institutions in different ways in order to ual reputation provides information about indi- address the problem of information and repu- vidual performance whereas collective reputa- tation. The classical understandings of the com- tion provides information about the quality of mon law and civil law judiciaries can be seen the judiciary in general. At the same time, each as sets of linked institutions that are mutually member of an institution cares about his indi- reinforcing in addressing the problems of in- vidual reputation, but also about the reputation formation and reputation. We describe these of the group as a whole. Collective reputation institutions from the perspective of informa- determines the status of the judiciary, but indi- tion and reputation, and explain how they in- vidual reputation influences the judge’s relative ter-relate. Judiciaries that emphasize collective perception vis-à-vis their fellow judges. reputation utilize institutions to limit publicly available information about the performance The bifurcated nature of reputation between of the individual judge. Those that emphasize individual and group components creates in- individual reputation, on the other hand, facili- teresting institutional challenges, which we tate the disclosure of such information. In both analyze below using the concept of “team pro- cases the disclosure or non-disclosure of private duction.”1 If judicial performance were pure- information about individual performance re- ly the result of individual effort and the quality inforces the kind of reputation that prevails in of the judiciary could be easily disaggregated the judicial system. into its individual components, individual rep- utation should prevail as the most important mechanism to provide information. But cru- cially, it is often difficult to monitor or differ- The foundational papers on team production include Alchian AA and Demsetz H 1972 ‘Production, Information Costs and 1 Economic Organization’ 62 American Economic Review 777; Holmstrom B 1982 Moral Hazard in Teams 13 Bell Journal of Economics 324; Aoki M 1994 ‘The Contingent Governance of Teams: Analysis of Institutional Complementarities 35 Inter- national Economic Review 657; Rajan RG and Zingales L 1998 ‘Power in the Theory of the Firm’ 113 Quarterly Journal of Economics 387. 120  between advancing his or her own preferences II. PRODUCING (hence building individual reputation) or con- REPUTATION forming with the general preferences of his or her colleagues (hence promoting a collective Reputation can be divided into two components, reputation for consensus). In many circum- individual and collective. Individual reputation stances, a particular action can enhance both is related to the name recognition of each judge. individual and collective reputation at the same Collective reputation is linked to the perceived time. But in other circumstances, by investing role of the judiciary in any given society.2 Each more in building individual reputation, a judge and every judge is affected by individual and by contributes less to building collective reputa- collective reputation and consequently cares tion. This presents each judge with a choice as about both. Nevertheless, depending on incen- to which type of reputation to invest in. Choices tives and the institutional framework, judges are influenced by incentives, which in turn are might be more concerned with one or the other established by different actors. These actors in different societies. can be considered principals on whose behalf Individual reputation-building is fundamen- the judiciary works. tally an activity that each judge must accom- Collective reputation is essentially determined plish on his or her own, while collective repu- by external mechanisms. It reflects the views tation-building is the product of team-work. of society or public opinion in general toward Furthermore, it is not always the case that ef- the judiciary, but also the interests of the rel- fort allocated to individual reputation building evant particular constituencies with special enhances collective reputation and vice-versa. power over the courts. These constituencies In fact, in some circumstances these two goals might include the bar, other branches of gov- may conflict. For example, individual reputa- ernment, political parties and others, depend- tion might encourage each judge to differentiate ing on the institutional environment of courts. herself from other judges; excessive differenti- Collective reputation shapes the social and po- ation across the bench might seriously under- litical influence of the judiciary as a whole, and mine collective reputation. High variance in consequently has monetary and non-monetary the performance of individual judges can hurt implications for the welfare of the judges. For the reputation of the judiciary as a whole. example, collective reputation may impact the In our view, judges allocate effort between overall judicial budget, salaries, pensions, and building individual and collective reputations other perks available to the judiciary, as well the in response to the institutional environment. level of social prestige and overall working con- This means that a judge might have to decide ditions in the courts. In other words, collective Collective reputation has been discussed in the sociological and business literature on organizations. See Tom J. Brown, et al., 2 Identity, Intended Image, Construed Image and Reputation: An Interdisciplinary Framework and Suggested Terminology, Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science 34: 99-109 (2006); Peter A. Dacin and Tom J. Brown, Corporate Identity and Corporate Associations: A Framework for Future Research, Corporate Reputation Review 5:254-63 (2002); Susanne Scott andn Vicki R. Lane, A Stakeholder Approach to Organizational Identity, Academy of Management Review 25:43-62 (2000); Violina Rindova, The Image Cascade and the Formation of Corporate Reputations, Corporate Reputation Review 1: 188-94 (1997). 121 reputation determines the size of the pie to be have to pay close attention to figure out the out- divided among individual judges. come of the case. The collective jurisprudence suffered, even if each judge was able to cultivate Individual reputation is established by external his or her individual reputation freely. (British mechanisms (such as academic commentators, judges report greater collective effort after the the bar and political actors) but also by internal establishment of the Supreme Court.)4 mechanisms (such as peer evaluation by other judges). Individual reputation, as established by these internal mechanisms, determines the III. COMPARATIVE share each judge gets of the pie while the out- INSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS side appraisal by relevant external constituen- cies determines potential supplementary pay- In every legal system, both individual and col- offs obtained individually. The balance between lective judicial reputation is important. Howev- external and internal mechanisms shapes indi- er the relative degree of importance varies not vidual reputation building. 3 only across legal families, but even within the same legal family. If we look at the U.S. feder- A legal system that relies exclusively on collec- al judiciary, for example, individual reputation tive judicial reputation will produce incentives seems to matter a great deal. The Supreme for individual judges to expend less effort than Court is identified with the name of the Chief they could. A legal system that only relies on Justice (such as Warren, Rehnquist or Rob- individual reputation promotes information erts) and the great judges of the past are heroes. about individual judges but treats collective Newspapers frequently discuss how individual reputation as a mere aggregation of individual justices vote in particular cases and quote from reputations. This is a legal system that incentiv- dissents. Federal judges give talks to the pub- izes judges to work hard, but they may reduce lic and write books advancing their views on the appropriate investment in the non-separa- important issues, and the appointment mech- ble component of judicial production. Consider anism includes Senate confirmation hearings seriatim opinions, used in the British House of in which individual candidates to the federal Lords before the creation of the United Kingdom courts have to expose their views. Academics Supreme Court, and also used on the U.S. Su- study the judicial contribution of individual preme Court before John Marshall. Each judge justices in detail,5 and they are the subjects of would speak in sequence, and observers would For the general public, see for example Caldeira GA 1986 ‘Neither the Purse nor the Sword: Confidence in the Supreme Court’ 3 80 American Political Science Review 1210 and Caldeira GA and Gibson JL 1992 ‘The Etiology of Public Support for the Sup- reme Court’ 36 American Journal of Political Science 635; for administrative bodies and government audiences, see W. N. Eskridge WN 1993 ‘The Judicial Review Game’ 88 Northwestern University Law Review 382; Eskridge WN and Ferejohn JA 1992 ‘The Article I, Section 7 Game’ 80 Georgetown Law Journal 523; and Ferejohn JA and Weingast BR 1992 ‘A Positive Theory of Statutory Interpretation’ 12 International Review of Law and Economics 263; for the larger law school audience, see Schauer above note 7. For an interesting example see Marites Dañguilan Vitug, Shadow of Doubt: Probing the Supreme Court 19 (Newsbreak Public Trust Media Group 2010) (describing Philippine Supreme Court justices viewing themselves as both individual operators and a collectivity.) Elaine Mak, Judicial Decision-making in a Globalized World (2013). 4 See, e.g., Posner RA 1993 Cardozo: A Study in Reputation University Of Chicago Press. 5 122 popular biographies.6 This pattern of serious in other legal systems the reverse occurs; some assessment of individual performance is not legal systems pursue individual performance found in the United Kingdom. Most judges of whereas others prefer to limit information about the Supreme Court are not well known, and individual performance and rely more on collec- tend only to appear in the public discussion tive assessment.10 This section discusses some of when they engage in extrajudicial tasks such as the different institutional structures that condi- leading commissions of inquiry. tion the development of judicial reputation. We do not provide a theory of why these institutional In this sense, the United Kingdom judiciary is structures exist, but rather focus in this chapter more akin to those of France, Japan and Ger- on the contribution of institutional structure to many, where most people have no idea of the disclosure of information and reputation build- identity of the Chief Justice, much less the other ing. For example, we do not discuss the rationale justices of the Supreme Court.7 Newspapers in for the existence of an appeal system, but rather these countries very rarely report on dissenting examine how the different designs of an appeal views; justices usually avoid exposure and con- system generate information on individual or col- tact with public opinion in general; and very few lective performance, contributing to the different judges get to be known by the public in gener- forms of reputation. al.8 If justice is blind, judges are anonymous. In these legal systems, information about indi- vidual performance seems to be intentionally A. Career vs. Recognition Judiciary underplayed, if not systematically hidden from One way of contrasting different types of ju- the general public.9 dicial structures is to distinguish the “career” In short, in some legal systems collective reputa- from “recognition” judiciaries.11 The career tion prevails over individual reputation whereas system involves judges entering a judicial bu- 6 See, e.g., Foskett K 2005 Judging Thomas: The Life and Times of Clarence Thomas William Morrow. 7 Richard Posner, Law and Legal Theory in England and America (Oxford University Press, 1998). 8 For example, Sophie Boyron identifies a major concern in France with the “esprit de corps” of the judiciary, a professional cul- ture driven by early socialization in the Grande École, then reinforced by collective decision-making with a profound distrust for the individual judge and further enhanced by judicial trade unions that effectively impose judicial collective bargaining. She also argues that in France judicial accountability is collective. See Boyron S 2006 ‘The Independence of the Judiciary: A Question of Identity’ in Canivet G, Andenas M and Fairgrieve D eds 2006 Independence, Accountability and the Judiciary. Another comparativist, Basil Markesinis, argues that French judges are trained to keep their ideas to themselves, see Mar- kesinis BS 1994 ‘A Matter of Style’ 10 The Law Quarterly Review 607. In her book, Eva Steiner proposes that the French judiciary is educated and trained as a unit to adhere to a collegial form promoted by French courts, see Steiner E 2002 French Legal Method Oxford University Press. 9 See, among others, van Caenegem RC 2002 European Law in the Past and the Future: Unity and Diver- sity over Two Millennia Cambridge University Press (arguing that, while in Britain the bench is paramount and the judges have a highly personal role, in the Continent courts are faceless and the judges are described as fungible persons) and Van Caenegem RC 1987 Judges, Legislators and Professors: Chapters in European Legal His- tory, Cambridge University Press (asserting that the legal system is dominated by judges in common and by law professors in civil law). A tendency toward bureaucratization seems to be detected in the United States by Fiss O 1983 ‘The Bureaucrati- zation of the Judiciary’, 92 Yale Law Journal 1442. 10  See Merryman JH and Pérez-Perdomo R 2007 The Civil Law Tradition 3rd edition (observing the pressure for con- sensus in civil law jurisdictions due to legal tradition). See also Merryman JH 1988 ‘How Others do It: The French and the German Judiciaries’ 61 Southern California Law Review 1865. 11  Nicholas Georgakapolous N 2000 ‘Independence in the Career and Recognition Judiciary’ 7 University of Chicago Law School Roundtable 205. 123 reaucracy at a young age, and spending an en- mation is available to the public about judges, tire career as a judge.12 The recognition system but the judiciary itself develops and uses inter- appoints judges later in life, usually after the nal performance measures to make promotion candidate has established themselves as an ex- decisions. Compliance with internal mecha- cellent candidate. It involves fewer opportuni- nisms makes collective reputation much more ties for promotion. The appointment is based important. The credibility of a given judge does on the individual reputation of the candidate, as not depend on her individual merits but on the assessed by the relevant constituency, by some reputation of the entire judiciary. Any concerns mechanism external to the judiciary. For exam- about judicial appointment or promotion will ple, in the United States, the President appoints not tend to be directed at any particular judge, federal judges, with the advice and consent of but the entire profession. Consequently, collec- the Senate, after the candidates have developed tive reputation building is very important for a stellar reputation in other spheres. In some career judges.14 Such systems tend to empha- American states and in the Supreme Court of size the anonymity of the law, and the myth that Bolivia, judges run in judicial elections in which there is a single correct answer for legal ques- each candidate has to present a distinctive plat- tions that in principle is invariant to the indi- form. 13 The external appointment process in- vidual judge making the decision. volving ex ante screening helps to compensate Yet external audiences have gained importance for the absence of a vertical hierarchy in the ju- in many civil law countries in recent decades. diciary, which decreases the incentives to com- Some of this development is due to exogenous ply with rigid professional norms. The appoint- factors that have changed the general public ment system by external principals dilutes the perception of the judiciary and have provided collective identity of the judiciary but enhances for new kinds of incentives. Greater media ac- the individual reputation of the judge who has cessibility is a global phenomenon that has ef- been screened. Thus, in recognition judiciaries, fects on many institutions. External audiences individual reputation as perceived by external may also become more important because fac- audiences is the dominant factor in judicial ap- tors endogenous to the legal system, such as the pointments. introduction of a Constitutional Court very dif- In contrast, a career judiciary is selected and ferent in function and nature from the tradition- promoted based on internal judicial assess- al judiciary. The interaction between new con- ments of individual merit. Relatively little infor- stitutional courts and the traditional judiciary For example, the judiciary in the UK has been presented as a career judiciary, where barristers are regarded as a first step 12  into the judiciary, in a system more similar to the Continent than to United States. See for example, Posner R 1996 Law and Legal Theory in England and the United States Oxford University Press(discussing the British career judiciary in chapter 1). On judicial elections, see, e.g., Webster P 1995 ‘Selection and Retention of Judges: Is There one Best Method?’ 23 Florida Sta- 13  te University Law Review 1; Hanssen FA 2004 ‘Learning About Judicial Independence: Institutional Change in State Courts’ 33 Journal of Legal Studies 431 at 462; Epstein L, Knight J and Shvestova O 2002 ‘Selecting Selection Systems’ in Burbank SB and Friedman B eds 2002 Judicial Independence at the Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary Approach Sage Publications, Inc at 191–226 (S. See generally Ramseyer JM and Rasmusen E 2003 Measuring Judicial Independence, University Of Chicago Press (focusing 14  on Japan). 124 and other branches of government has dramati- The availability of information on the particu- cally changed the balance between internal and lar judges—whether in the form of individual external audiences in many countries, and we opinions, the possibility of dissent by judges, or wrestle with this in Chapter Five. the availability of judicial votes in a transparent and verifiable way that is visible to laymen— B. Individual Opinions/Dissents/Voting has two important consequences. First, it helps each judge to establish an individual reputa- When the Supreme Court of Mexico held a tion.16 As Justice Ginsburg wrote in 1990, put- public session announcing its 2008 decision ting a name on an opinion “serves to hold the upholding Mexico City’s statute legalizing individual judge accountable” by putting the abortion, it attracted significant attention both judge’s reputation on the line.17 Some judges inside the country and abroad. The Court’s 15 relish this opportunity: Justice William Rehn- justices justified their decision in a complicat- quist was known as the “Lone Ranger” during ed set of orally delivered opinions, with the the period in which he was the most conserva- final vote to uphold decided by a single vote. tive member of the Burger Court, because he When the final written decision was released wrote so many dissenting opinions.18 Eventually some months later in February 2009, the eight judges may come to create informal coalitions justices in the majority issued a majority de- with like-minded judges, allowing outsiders to cision along with seven concurrences; there assign labels to specific judges as liberal, con- were also three dissents. Two years later, the servative, originalist or activist. Second, in- Court returned to the abortion issue to consid- dividual opinions and dissent help undercut er two new state statutes criminalizing abor- the idea of a homogeneous, uniform, bureau- tion (passed in a backlash to the earlier ruling). cratic, judiciary. Both aspects favor individu- The divided court could not come to a majori- al over collective reputation building.19 This is ty opinion and so the challenge to the statutes enhanced when the judiciary is faced with big failed, leaving abortion illegal in some states, public policy decisions that are controversial or but a flurry of separate opinions accompanied at the center of intense debate across a society, the short procedural notice announcing the such as those involving abortion, gay marriage, failure. Commentators have criticized the di- segregation, or the welfare state.20 Dissents in vided jurisprudence as incoherent.15 such cases may play the special function of al- Francisca Pou Giménez, Constitutional Change and the Supreme Court Institutional Architecture: Decisional Indeterminacy 15  as an Obstacle to Legitimacy, paper presented at CIDE Conference, Mexico City, March 11, 2013. See evidence by Taha AE 2004 ‘Publish or Paris? Evidence of How Judges Allocate their Time’ 6 American Law and Econo- 16  mics Review 1. Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Remarks on Writing Separately, 65 Wash. L.Rev. 133, 139 (1990) 17  Mark Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism 91 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013). 18  See discussion about the quality of opinion writing by Nugent DC 1994 ‘Judicial Bias’ 42 Cleveland State Law Review 4 and 19  Miller GP 2004 ‘Bad Judges’ 83 Texas Law Review 431. For the US, see the evidence provided by Sunstein CR, Schkade D, Ellman LM, and Sawicki A 2006 Are Judges Political? An 20  Empirical Analysis of the Federal Judiciary Brookings Institution Press (discussing these issues in chapter 5). See generally, Stack KR 1996 ‘Note: The Practice of Dissent in the Supreme Court’ 105 Yale Law Journal 2235 and George TE 1998 ‘Deve- loping a Positive Theory of Decisionmaking on U.S. Courts of Appeal’ 58 Ohio State Law Journal 1635. 125 lowing the judiciary to signal to the losers that specialist audience of lawyers, distinguishing there is hope for the future. themselves from their colleagues. And for both written and oral proceedings, judges’ language When individual opinions cannot be recorded and tone may be important. An authoritative and dissent is not allowed, the judiciary is seen tone signals that the law is determinant. But as a homogeneous body, faceless and bureau- recent psychological research has shown that a cratic, in which discussion and diversity are re- more exploratory tone is likely to be more per- placed with compromise and uniformity.21 The suasive to laypeople who disagree with the out- content of decisions hurts or enhances the repu- come of a given decision.23 tation of the judiciary as a whole and not that of a particular judge. Peer pressure may be more Besides tone, complexity is another dimension important since decisions must be reached by on which opinions can vary, and might affect consensus, resulting eventually in complex judicial reputation. Opinions that are too tech- language to disguise divergences in the bench nical will not be intelligible to ordinary citizens, and further reducing the ability of the public to who will instead have to rely on experts or the scrutinize opinions. Perhaps the paradigm of media to digest them. One might expect that this approach is that of France, in which public judges too focused on impressing other judges judicial opinions are formulaic and sparse.22 would write in overly complex language, and thus hurt their reputation with outsiders. But Beyond individual opinions, oral proceedings the so-called plain language movement, which also offer opportunities for the cultivation of seeks to enhance ease of communication, has individual reputation. Oral proceedings al- some advocates in law.24 For example, in the low judges not only to reveal their legal skills, 1990s, the Supreme Court of Canada tried to but also their individual positions and make write in less technical terms to be understood specific contributions to the decision taken by by the “educated public”.25 the court. They can also communicate to the For the French case, see Steiner E 2002 French Legal Method Oxford University Press. She traces the historical rea- 21  sons for the inexistence of dissenting opinions and the doctrine supporting such choice. Historically, the absence of dissenting opinions is based on the secrecy rules introduced by Philippe VI (1328-1350) and Charles VII (1422-1461) to protect judges. This rule was abandoned in 1789 but reinstated in 1795. It has now a statutory basis in Art. 448 of the Code of Civil Procedure and Art. 355 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. The doctrinal justification is that dissenting opinions are seen as undermining legitimacy of the court and the stability of law (since may lead to subsequent changes of the case law). See William D. Popkin, Evolution of the Judicial Opinion: Institutional and Individual Styles 38-39 (2007); see also 22  Mitchell Lasser 2004. Judicial Deliberations: A Comparative Analysis of Judicial Transparency and Legitimacy, who makes the point that by signing a decision, the judges assume individual responsibility, a principle disliked by the French. Such rejection of individual judicial responsibility is embodied by the Law on Judicial Organization from 1790 which restricted the high courts (the Parlement) from passing regulations or suspending royal legislation by re- fusal to record them in the official registry (essentially exercising a veto). However, Professor Lasser argues that American legal scholarship has misunderstood the bifurcated system existent in France. The idea that French judges have no individual responsibility on shaping doctrines and developing law is misplaced. They do, but not publicly. There is a bifurcation of legal reasoning and policy analysis into two argumentative dimensions: the rapports by the reporting judge and the conclusions of the advocate general, on one side, and the projets d’arrêt prepared by the reporting judge, on the other side. See Dan Simon and Nicholas Scurich, Lay Judgments of Judicial Decision-Making (cited above). 23  Barnes, J. 2006. “The Continuing Debate About “Plain Language” Legislation: A Law Reform Conundrum” Statute Law 24  Review 27: 83-132. Peter McCormick, Supreme at Last: The Evolution of the Supreme Court of Canada 143 (Toronto 2000) 25  126 These aspects of institutional design do not map Of course, even within systems that encourage neatly onto the civil-common law distinction. individual opinions, they may not actually be Many constitutional courts in civil law jurisdic- required. Under Chief Justice John Roberts, tions now allow for separate opinions. The Con- the US Supreme Court has issued an increas- stitutional Court under the 1997 Constitution of ing number of per curiam opinions that do not Thailand required each justice to issue a sepa- identify the individual author. Indeed by one rate opinion, a fact that no doubt contributed account, almost 9% of opinions were issued in to a non-transparent and sometimes confused this way during the first six years of Roberts’ jurisprudence. Similarly, the Supreme Court of tenure.28 This may reflect Roberts’ oft-stated de- Mexico has moved toward oral and public pro- sire to enhance consensus on the court, though ceedings in recent years. some such opinions actually include dissents. Roberts himself is rarely in dissent, and has ar- Individual opinions will be associated with a gued that it is important to advance “the notion relatively flat organizational structure, in which that we are a Court -- not simply an assemblage superior judges have little control over inferi- of individual justices.”29 ors. Collective opinions will be associated with the suppression of individual reputation and the Like other Chief Justices, Roberts has also been institution of hierarchical controls to overcome known to use the power of assigning a majority collective action problems in the production of opinion to himself in important cases, and the as- collective reputation. 26 Small wonder, then, that signment power can be an important tool in con- judges who support the institution of dissent structing both individual and collective reputation have criticized the alternative model as sup- of the court.30 Justice John Paul Stevens thought pressing individual conscience. Justice William that Chief Justice Warren Burger would assign Brennan, for example, critiqued Chief Justice First Amendment cases to Byron White when the Marshall (who strongly pushed for unanimous opinion was likely to be criticized in the press, but judicial opinions of the court as a whole) as try- keep the case for himself when the opinion was ing to “shut down the marketplace of ideas.”27 likely to be praised. “That practice,” he notes “con- There is actually some evidence that judges believe this to be so. William D. Popkin, Evolution of the Judicial Opinion: 26  Institutional and Individual Styles, 122-26 Brennan Jr WJ 1986 ‘In Defense of Dissents’ 37 Hastings Law Journal 427 at 438; see also Ginsburg RB 1992 ‘Speaking in 27  a Judicial Voice’ 67 New York University Law Review 1185 (1992); Ginsburg RB 1990 ‘Remarks on Writing Separately’ 65 Washington Law Review 133. Ira P. Robbins, ‘Hiding Behind the Cloak of Invisibility’ Tulane Law Review 86: 1197-1242 (2012). Another study of the state 28  of Texas found that 40% of opinions of the Supreme Court over a ten year period were issued per curiam. William Li, et al., “Using Algorithmic Attribution Techniques to Determine Authorship in Unsigned Judicial Opinions,” Stanford Technology Law Review 16: 503—(2013). This may suggest that state courts in the United States are a kind of hybrid, along the lines of the examples we discuss in the next chapter. Jeffrey Rosen, Roberts’ Rules, The Atlantic Jan. 1, 2007, available at http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archi- 29  ve/2007/01/robertss-rules/305559/ (last checked June 17, 2014); Lee Epstein, William Landes and Richard Posner, The Behavior of Federal Judges 137 (2013). See generally Linda Greenhouse, Chief Justice Roberts in His Own Voide: The Chief Justice’s Self-Assignment of Majority 30  Opinions. Judicature 97: 90- __ (2013); Elliot Slotnick, Who Speaks for the Court? Majority Opinion Assignment from Taft to Burger. American Political Science Review 23: 60- (February 1979); Saul Brenner, The Chief Justices’ Self Assignment of Majority Opinions in Salient Cases. Social Science Journal 30: 143-__ (1978). 127 tributed to Byron’s reputation in the press as an interested parties in camera, even concerning enemy of the First Amendment.”31 pending cases. These sessions allow the judges to hear privately about aspects of the cases con- sidered to be important, but also communicate C. Publicity the image of a court that values private access. Publicity is another important element of the While other courts might view this practice as institutional structure that will facilitate—or re- highly problematic and compromising the ap- tard the development of reputation. The Mex- pearance of impropriety, they seem to be viewed ican Supreme Court took a decision to open up as a necessary way of transmitting information its proceedings to the public, and, as Profes- to the litigants, and thus helping the legitimacy sor Jeffrey Staton has shown, this decision has of the court in this particular case. served as part of a strategy of cultivating reputa- tion in a new, democratic era. Indeed, the Court D. Appeals launched its own television station in 2006. The Court also has a somewhat unusual practice of The appeal system and the nature of the rela- announcing its decision orally at a public hear- tionship between superior and inferior courts ing, but not releasing the written decision for play an important role in shaping incentives many months thereafter. In the abortion case to invest in individual versus collective repu- mentioned earlier, the written decision was not tation building. A generous appeal system that issued for six months. This has led to significant essentially allows superior courts to review and problems as justices try to reconstruct their rea- evaluate the decisions taken by inferior courts soning, and it has hindered the development of induces compliance by junior judges and favor a coherent jurisprudence.32 homogeneity and uniformity in decision-mak- ing.33 An appeal system that imposes few con- Publicity is helpful for the cultivation of repu- straints on junior judges gives them more tation, and can be used strategically by courts. discretion and naturally generates more hetero- But if the courts do not communicate clearly geneity in decision-making, which favors indi- in an increasingly dense media environment, vidual reputation. At the same time, an appeal they will find that publicity may actually harm system that permits conflicts of jurisdiction and the reputation of the court as a whole. Further- law across courts, such as the American system more, appearances on television may encourage which allows for the possibility of circuit splits, individual justices to seek to distinguish them- disfavors collective reputation and pushes to- selves, leading to a more incoherent jurispru- ward investment in individual reputation. An dence and harming collective reputation. appeal system that effectively internalizes po- Access to the public comes in many forms. The tential conflicts and therefore reduces discrep- Mexican Supreme Court has a long tradition ancies in courts’ decisions contributes decisive- of informal meetings with litigants and other ly to collective reputation. John Paul Stevens, Five Chiefs: A Supreme Court Memoir (2011) p. 235. 31  Gimenez, supra n.__ 32  Shavell S 1995 ‘The Appeals Process as a Means of Error Correction’ 24 Journal of Legal Studies 379. 33  128 A crucial dimension on which appeals systems famous case or may come to be associated with differ is the question of de novo review. In com- a notorious decision. The widespread use of ci- mon law jurisdictions, appeals courts generally tations in Anglo-American jurisprudence clear- only hear questions of law, leaving the factual ly favors individual reputation building, partic- record to be developed at the trial level. This is ularly when combined with the institution of often explained as originating in the institution individual named opinions. But many systems of the jury, which finds facts and would have to do not cite extensively to other cases. These be reconvened or reproduced to have de novo systems treat the law as a collective, uniformly review. In contrast, civil law jurisdictions have determined product. de novo review of facts at the higher levels. This involves replication, but also allows fuller mon- F. Case Selection itoring of junior instances to ensure quality. The degree to which the judiciary controls the Our interpretation is that de novo review is a dockets of courts plays an important role in the device to ensure collective reputation, while the process of establishing reputation.35 The con- lack of such review encourages individual judg- trol of dockets can operate at what we might call es to develop novel interpretations of law and to the retail level, that is, in choosing particular use their fact-finding power toward reputation- cases, and at the wholesale level through stand- al development. ing and justiciability doctrines that narrow or expand the scope of judicial review. When judg- E. Citations es cannot, in most cases, effectively influence The use of citations in decisions reflects the im- the cases they hear, collective reputation oper- portance of individual opinions, and hence gen- ates as a type of insurance, since some judges erally contributes to enhancing individual rep- will randomly be assigned cases that are more utation.34 Citations presuppose that some cases suited for enhancing individual reputation and court decisions are path-breaking, not just than others through a mechanism that does not because the object of the action is extremely rel- take into account different skill levels across evant, but because the doctrine and legal inter- the bench.36 In other words, collective reputa- pretation offered by a given judge is worthy of tion reduces the potential reputational damage consideration. Controversial decisions attract from being assigned cases that are detrimental attention and generate debate even when they to a particular judge in terms of preferences or are not good law. Obviously this means that in- skills. The doctrine of a right to a “lawful judge” dividual judges can seek to be identified for a originating in the German legal tradition, es- See Choi S and Gulati M 2007 ‘Ranking Judges According To Citation Bias (As A Means To Reduce Bias)’ 82 Notre Dame 34  Law Review 1279; see also Posner R 2000 ‘An Economic Analysis of the Use of Citations in the Law’ 2 American Law and Economics Review 381; Landes WM, Lawrence Lessig L and Solimine ME 1998 ‘Judicial Influence: A Citation Analysis of Federal Courts of Appeals Judges’ 27 Journal of Legal Studies 271, and Choi S and Gulati M 2004 ‘A Tournament of Judges?’ 92 California Law Review 299; Stephen Choi and Mitu Gulati, Bias in Judicial Citations: A Window into the Behavior of Judges, 37 J. Legal Studies 87, 92-93 (2008). See among others, Tonja Jacobi, 2008 ‘The Judicial Signaling Game; How Judges Shape their Dockets’ 16 Supreme 35  Court Economic Review 1. That is, “better” judges do not get “better” cases whatever “better” might mean in this context. 36  129 sentially requires random assignment of cases gating judges have become very prominent. The and so achieves this function. Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón, for example, became a kind of international superstar for When dockets are effectively controlled by the his indictment of Chilean General Augusto Pi- judiciary itself or a senior jud, case assignment is nochet in 1999, leading to a very important de- not longer truly random. Individual reputation cision by the British House of Lords on the in- becomes an asset in such a system in two com- ternational immunity of ex-presidents. Garzon plementary ways. First, reputation allows indi- had done a stint in electoral politics, and was an vidual judges to become favored (or disfavored) example of what David Kosar has called a “su- in the distribution of cases to be reviewed by the perjudge”—someone who has moved from the courts relative to other colleagues. Second, rep- judiciary to politics and then back.37 After the utation allows further enhancement of individ- Pinochet indictment Garzon also opened cases ual reputation, by allowing judges to pick cases against the Argentine junta, sought to inter- that are more appropriate for the relevant con- view Henry Kissinger in relation to a case, and stituencies. Case selection is a strategic variable considered whether to open up a case against in preparing the setting for reputation building. George Bush and several members of his ad- We note that some courts, especially in South ministration. Garzón’s cultivation of his indi- Asia, have occasionally taken cases without vidual reputation ultimately led to his suspen- even having a formal claim filed before them. sion from the judiciary in 2012, after he opened The Supreme Court of Pakistan, for example, an inquiry into crimes against humanity during is allowed to take action under its own initia- the Spanish civil war that had been explicitly tive to protect fundamental rights under Article subject to an amnesty in 1977. He was ultimate- 184(3) of the country’s constitution. In recent ly put on trial for violating Spanish law by using years it has used the so-called suo moto power an illegal wiretap in an overly vigorous corrup- to demand that the government deal with the tion investigation, and suspended for 11 years. high murder rate in Karachi, deaths in Lahore caused by substandard medicine, and many G. The Interdependence of Institutional other issues. These cases allow the court to in- Choices teract directly with the public and be seen as a responsive actor in a country that is sorely lack- The above institutions are conceptually distinct ing them. from each other. Crucially, however, they are reinforcing in terms of reputation and provi- One interesting example of docket control in sion of information about performance. The the civil law tradition is the institution of the common law tendency toward a “recognition” so-called investigating judge. These are career judiciary relies on judges who are selected be- judges who, in some countries, are not involved cause their earlier investments in reputation in deciding or deliberating on cases, but instead allow ex ante screening for quality and effort. supervise the investigation and gathering of ev- Such judges can be trusted to write high quali- idence. In some countries, individual investi- ty individual opinions. In contrast, the “career” David Kosar, The Least Accountable Branch, JSD Dissertation, NYU Law School 2013. 37  130 system associated with the civil law hires judges are viewed as relatively low level functionaries at a young age, and therefore cannot trust them without individual discretion. to adequately invest in individual reputation It is interesting to think about the ideology of without extensive monitoring. Hence there is the common law and civil law as reinforcing an implicit logic to anonymous, collective opin- these institutional features. It is generally un- ions, and less of a culture of citation. Branding derstood that the civil law tradition conceives is frowned upon. of “the law” as a unified coherent whole, with The career system also requires many more pre-existing answers to legal questions that judges, because monitoring output at the lowest are identifiable through the exercise of legal level requires an intermediate supervisory level science.38 This idea de-emphasizes the role of (itself an autonomous body or a different layer the individual judge in crafting the law, and in of a more hierarchical judicial system). Appeal principle different judges are not thought to be is essential to maintain quality and discourage able to arrive at different answers to legal ques- shirking. Appeals are de novo, in order to en- tions. In contrast, common law judiciaries tend sure that individual judges do not harm the col- to see law as more akin to policy. Policy matters lective reputation of the judiciary. We thus ob- are those which in principle reasonable minds serve much larger judiciaries to accomplish de can disagree. This is not to suggest that law is novo review. This reinforces the notion of team infinitely plastic, but rather that for hard legal rather than individual production, and reduc- questions (of the type most likely to be litigat- es the amount of effort required by any single ed) different judges may come up with different judge to produce reputation. answers. Seeing law as policy means that we need to identify the particular reasoning and We also see differences in the discretion over to associate it with an individual judge. These dockets in the two systems. The judges in rec- different conceptions of the law obviously track ognition systems have a variety of devices to ex- the distinction between collective and individu- ercise docket control, particularly at the senior al reputation. levels. This allows the judiciary to control its policy-making role. In contrast, career judges Merryman and Pérez-Perdomo above n 34. 38  131 132 133 134  Contribution de M. Pierre Nihoul, Président de la Cour Constitutionnelle de Belgique1 LA RELATION ENTRE LA CONSTITUTION BELGE ET LE DROIT INTERNATIONAL ET I) La Constitution belge ne contient pas une II) En ce qui concerne la relation entre le droit disposition générale et expresse relative à la re- international et la loi, la Cour de cassation a lation entre la Constitution et le droit interna- comblé cette lacune. tional . Il n’y a qu’une exception à cette règle, à Dans un arrêt du 27 mai 1971 (Franco- Suisse savoir l’article 34 de la Constitution.1 Le Ski), la Cour de cassation a reconnu la pri- Cet article dispose: “L’exercice de pouvoirs dé- mauté d’une norme de droit international qui a terminés peut être attribué par un traité ou par des effets directs dans l’ordre juridique interne une loi à des institutions de droit international sur la loi. D’après la Cour de cassation, “la pré- public”. éminence de la norme de droit international ré- sulte de la nature même du droit international Cette disposition a été insérée dans la Constitu- conventionnel”. Il s’agissait d’un point de vue tion en 1970 afin de justifier la participation de moniste dans le prolongement de la jurispru- la Belgique et le transfert de compétences aux dence de la Cour de justice. Communautés européennes et à la Convention européenne des droits de l’ homme. La conséquence de cette jurisprudence est un contrôle diffus : chaque juge ordinaire ou admi- nistratif a le devoir d’écarter l’application des dispositions législatives contraires à une norme Contribution as originally delivered in French. 1 135 de droit international qui a des effets directs ternationales liant la Belgique et des principes dans l’ordre juridique interne. généraux du droit. Le raisonnement à l’origine de cette doctrine III) Par contre, pour le contrôle de constitu- est qu’il y a violation des articles 10 et 11 de la tionnalité des normes législatives, le Consti- Constitution, et donc discrimination, lorsqu’un tuant a choisi en 1980 en faveur d’un contrôle droit ou une liberté est retirée à une catégorie centralisé par la Cour constitutionnelle . de personnes, alors que ce droit ou cette liberté Cette Cour, instituée en dehors du pouvoir ju- reste valable pour toutes les autres personnes. diciaire, est exclusivement compétente pour Le résultat de cette jurisprudence est que la juger la constitutionnalité des normes législa- Cour lit le principe constitutionnel d’égalité et tives, statuant soit sur un recours en annulation de non-discrimination en combinaison avec introduit par le gouvernement ou le parlement les droits et libertés garantis par les traités, en de l’Etat fédéral ou d’une entité fédérée ou par particulier la Convention européenne des droits toute personne justifiant d’un intérêt, soit sur de l’homme, les Pactes des Nations Unies et la une question préjudicielle à poser obligatoire- Charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union eu- ment par chaque juge ordinaire ou administra- ropéenne. tif. B) La seconde technique est développée par la Cour après l’extension de ses compétences en IV) La Cour constitutionnelle est donc investi 2003, à savoir un contrôle des normes légis- du pouvoir exclusif du contrôle de constitution- latives au regard du Titre II de la Constitution nalité. Par contre, elle n’est pas habilitée à exer- relatif à (presque) tous les droits et libertés fon- cer un contrôle direct de la législation au regard damentaux. du droit international et européen. Le contrôle de conventionnalité lui échappe donc en prin- Dans un arrêt de principe (n°136/2004, du 22 cipe. juillet 2004), la Cour a constaté que de nom- breux droits fondamentaux garantis par le Titre Néanmoins, la Cour a développé deux tech- II de la Constitution ont un équivalent dans niques afin de contrôler la législation au regard un traité international liant la Belgique. Dans des normes internationales et européennes. Ce ce cas, les garanties constitutionnelles et les contrôle est qualifié d’ « indirect ». garanties conventionnelles constituent un en- A) La première technique repose sur les articles semble indissociable. Il s’ensuit que, lorsqu’est 10 et 11 de la Constitution qui interdisent toute alleguée la violation d’une disposition du Titre discrimination, quelle qu’en soit l’origine. II de la Constitution, la Cour tient compte, dans A partir de 1989/1990, la Cour a jugé que le son examen, des dispositions de droit interna- principe constitutionnel d’égalité et de non-dis- tional ou européen qui garantissent des droits crimination est applicable à l’égard de tous les ou libertés analogues. droits et de toutes les libertés, c’est-à-dire non La Cour ne limite pas ces deux doctrines aux dis- seulement ceux inscrits dans la Constitution, positions du droit international ou de l’Union mais aussi ceux resultant des conventions in- européenne ayant un effet direct. Sont égale- 136 ment prises en considération les dispositions qui européennes ou mondiales. La juridiction de la ne sont pas inconditionnelles, claires et précises, Cour constitutionnelle est évidemment limitée les dispositions qui sont conditionnelles et qui à la Belgique et aux situations juridiques qui laissent aux parties ou aux États membres une peuvent y être rattachées. Dans ce champ, la grande latitude dans leur application, car elles Cour interprète et applique les droits de l’homme sont contraignantes pour la Belgique. Bien en- de manière uniforme, sans particularisme régio- tendu, les dispositions qui n’ont pas d’effet direct nal et sans faire de distinction en fonction de la laissent une plus grande marge de manœuvre au nationalité de la personne en cause. législateur et seront plutôt rarement violées. VII) Les deux contrôles mentionnés, à savoir, V) Les deux techniques précitées présentent d’une part, le contrôle centralisé de constitu- plusieurs avantages : tionnalité des normes législatives par la Cour 1. constitutionnelle et, d’autre part, le contrôle dif- Elles ont permis à la Cour constitutionnelle fus de conventionnalité des normes législatives de tenir compte de la jurisprudence de la par chaque juge ordinaire et administratif, a Cour européenne des droits de l’homme et de la donné lieu à la problématique du “ concours des Cour de justice dont les arrêts sont abondam- droits fondamentaux” : un juge, devant lequel ment mentionnés et /ou cités. une partie soulève qu’une disposition législative 2. De cette manière, la Cour constitutionnelle a pu donner aux garanties constitutionnelles dont la plupart ne sont pas modifiées depuis 1831, viole un droit fondamental garanti tant par la Constitution que par une disposition conven- tionnelle analogue, doit-il poser une question une interpretation évolutive et contemporaine. préjudicielle à la Cour constitutionnelle, en 3. La certitude que le principe de la primau- té de la protection la plus étendue soit respecté, que cette protection figure dans la application de la jurisprudence de celle-ci, ou peut-il lui-même contrôler la compatibilité de la norme législative avec la disposition conven- Constitution ou dans les normes de droit inter- tionnelle, en application de la jurisprudence de national ou européen. la Cour de cassation? 4. La prévention de conflits entre la juris- prudence constitutionnelle et la jurispru- dence supranationale. Le législateur spécial a résolu la question en 2009 en accordant une priorité de contrôle à la Cour constitutionnelle : hormis quelques ex- ceptions (de l’acte clair ou de l’acte éclairé), le VI) Le contentieux de la protection des droits juge ordinaire ou administratif est tenu de po- fondamentaux représente plus de 90% des dos- ser une question préjudicielle à la Cour consti- siers pendants devant la Cour. tutionnelle sur la constitutionnalité de la norme De manière générale, la Cour a tendance à s’ins- législative, et après une réponse négative à cette crire dans une conception universaliste, et donc question, le juge est compétent pour contrôler non relative, des droits de l’homme. Elle utilise la compatibilité de la norme législative avec la toutes les sources internationales des droits de disposition conventionnelle. l’homme ratifiées par la Belgique, qu’elles soient 137 Le législateur français s’est basé sur cette legis- par la Charte, telle qu’interprétée par la Cour, “ni lation(belge) pour résoudre le même problème. la primauté, l’unité et l’effectivité du droit de l’ Cette législation française a donné lieu à l’arrêt Union”. célèbre MELKI et ABDELI de la Cour de jus- tice du 22 juin 2010. Dans cet arrêt, la Cour de justice a dit pour droit que la procédure est conforme au droit européen , pour autant que Lors de nos visites à d’autres le juge a quo puisse poser une question préjudi- Cours constitutionnelles, nous cielle à la Cour de justice à chaque moment de avons senti une grande préoc- la procedure et, surtout, qu’il reste compétent cupation et même un méconten- pour contrôler la compatibilité de la disposition tement sur cette jurisprudence. législative avec le droit européen. On remarque C’est compréhensible à la lu- que la Cour de justice a tenté de concilier les mière de leur tâche, la protection compétences des Cours constitutionnelles avec des droits fondamentaux garan- le principe supérieur de l’unité et de la primauté tis par la Constitution. du droit européen. Bien que la législation belge relative au concours Parce qu’en règle le niveau de protection offert des droits fondamentaux ait été estimée com- par les instruments européens est plus élevé que patible avec l’arrêt précité, l’article concerné celui garanti par la Constitution belge, la situa- - l’article 26, §4, de la loi spéciale sur la Cour tion qui s’est présentée dans l’arrêt Melloni a peu constitutionnelle- a été modifié en 2014 pour de chances d’exister en droit belge. Et si la Cour prévoir notamment expressément la possibilité constitutionnelle est confrontée un jour à cette si- de questions préjudicielles parallèles à la Cour tuation, elle posera sans nul doute des questions de justice et à la Cour constitutionnelle. préjudicielles à la Cour de justice avant de statuer. VIII) Bien que la Cour constitutionnelle belge soit bienveillante envers le droit européen, elle a des IX) Qu’en est-il de ce qu’il est convenu d’appe- doutes sur la jurisprudence de la Cour de justice ler « l’exception de l’identité nationale »? dans l’arrêt Melloni du 26 février 2013. Dans cet La construction de l’Union européenne et l’in- arrêt, la Cour de justice a dit pour droit que l’ar- tégration toujours plus poussée des législa- ticle 53 de la Charte des droits fondamentaux de tions des différents Etats membres entraîne un l’Union européenne n’autorise pas de manière gé- phénomène d’universalisation - à l’échelle de nérale un Etat membre à appliquer le standard de l’Union européenne - des standards du contrôle protection des droits fondamentaux garanti par sa des droits fondamentaux. Face à ce phénomène, Constitution lorsqu’il est plus élevé que celui dé- plusieurs juridictions constitutionnelles en Eu- coule de la Charte et à l’opposer à l’application de rope mobilisent, pour se prémunir contre une dispositions du droit de l’Union. D’après la Cour atteinte jugée trop importante à la souveraineté de justice, un standard national de protection des nationale et aux valeurs que celle-ci entend pro- droits fondamentaux, même plus étendu, ne peut téger, le concept d’ « identité nationale ». pas compromettre le niveau de protection prévu 138 La Cour constitutionnelle belge a fait référence à la ropéen comme norme de référence indirecte et notion d’identité dans l’arrêt n°62/2016, en consi- à l’occasion de son contrôle, elle est parfois te- dérant que la disposition constitutionnelle qui au- nue de poser les questions d’interprétation ou torise le transfert de pouvoirs déterminés à des de validité soulevées par les parties. institutions de droit international public et, no- tamment, aux institutions de l’Union européenne, « n’autorise en aucun cas qu’il soit porté une at- De cette façon, elle prévient teinte discriminatoire à l’identité nationale inhé- aussi des violations du droit rente aux structures fondamentales, politiques et européen dans l’ordre juri- constitutionnelles ou aux valeurs fondamentales dique interne et des condam- de la protection que la Constitution confère aux nations par la Cour de justice. sujets de droit ». Cette incise n’a cependant pas Une interprétation rendue par été suivie d’effet concret. On pourrait peut-être y la Cour de justice est d’ailleurs voir un indice de ce que la Cour pourrait, un jour contraignante pour tous les à l’avenir, décider qu’un droit fondamental recon- Etats membres. nu par la Constitution belge doit être interprété de manière particulière dans l’ordre constitutionnel belge, ce qui tendrait à rompre le caractère uni- XI .Il est temps de conclure. versel du droit en question. Ceci n’est toutefois Formellement, la Cour constitutionnelle utilise qu’une supposition et une hypothèse, rien ne per- encore apparemment des concepts hiérarchiques met d’affirmer à l’heure actuelle que la Cour s’en- en ce qui concerne la relation entre, d’une part, la gagera dans cette voie. Constitution et, d’autre part, les traités et le droit Par ailleurs, en reprenant mot pour mot la for- européen dérivé. A y regarder de plus près, la mule prévue par l’article 4 du TFUE, la Cour Cour tient explicitement compte de la spécificité constitutionnelle belge inscrit cette exception des traités faisant ainsi preuve d’une prudence ex- dans le cadre du droit de l’Union européenne. trême dans l’exercice de son contrôle et elle situe Elle permet également à la Cour de poser dans le fondement de la “primauté “du droit européen ce cadre une question préjudicielle à la Cour de dérivé dans l’article 34 de la Constitution. justice, ce qui ouvre un dialogue entre juges. La jurisprudence de la Cour constitutionnelle X) Cette dernière attitude suivrait la tendance s’inscrit plutôt dans le dialogue des juges. La de la Cour constitutionnelle belge à poser régu- lecture des droits fondamentaux garantis par la lièrement des questions préjudicielles à la Cour Constitution en combinaison avec des normes de justice. internationales et européennes analogues et le dialogue préjudiciel avec la Cour de justice en Jusqu’à présent, la Cour constitutionnelle a témoignent. En conciliant ainsi le droit consti- posé 138 questions préjudicielles dans 40 ar- tutionnel et le droit européen, la Cour constitu- rêts de renvoi rendus pour la plupart les quinze tionnelle évite des conflits entre les hautes juri- dernières années. L’explication de ce grand dictions et favorise la sécurité juridique. nombre de questions préjudicielles tient au fait que la Cour constitutionnelle utilise le droit eu- 139  Contribution by Ms. Anna Austin1, Jurisconsult of the European Court of Human Rights THE ROLE OF SUPRANATIONAL COURTS IN THE DECISION-MAKING OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURTS: INTERACTION WITH THE ECtHR AND THE SUBSIDIARITY PRINCIPLE T he1principle of subsidiarity is the most im- portant element defining the respective roles and responsibilities of the Strasbourg tion in Europe, was an overarching theme of the decade long “Interlaken” Convention reform process, cumulating in the recent amendment Court (ECtHR) and the national superior, in- of the Convention’s preamble to reference this cluding constitutional, courts . 2 notion4. One of the priorities for the future is to reinforce the elements of this subsidiary system, This notion was articulated in the case-law as it being considered that the future effectiveness, early as the late 1960s3 and it is one which has and sustainability, of the Convention system considerably evolved over the years along with depends, in large part, on the relationship be- the Convention system. In fact, defining and tween the Strasbourg Court and the national optimising subsidiarity, in light of our joint re- superior, notably constitutional, jurisdictions. sponsibility for ensuring human rights protec- Speaking Notes. Any opinions expressed are the speaker’s own, and do not bind the ECtHR 1 Article 19 of the Convention explains that the Court is established to “ensure the observance of the engagements undertaken 2 by” the States. Case “relating to certain aspects of the laws on the use of languages in education in Belgium”, 1968. 3 With the entry into force of Protocol No. 15 in August 2021 4 140 Convention subsidiarity comprises two mirror- tive domestic remedies prior to coming to the ing obligations: on the one hand, an obligation on Court and in the corresponding obligation on States to embed the Convention guarantees and States to provide access to such remedies (Ar- create remedies by which those guarantees can be ticles 13 and 35 of the Convention)5. National tested nationally and, on the other, a correspond- courts thereby first have the opportunity to de- ing obligation on the Court to allow the national termine Convention compatibility6 and, there- authorities to have the fullest opportunity to first after, the Court can have the benefit of, and rely consider a Convention complaint and to accord upon, the views of the national courts, the latter that domestic assessment importance in its own being in direct and continuous contact with the deliberations. It is this interaction - between dil- vital forces of their countries7. igence at national level and a corresponding ap- This is the most indispensable part of the func- preciation thereof at the level of the ECtHR - that tioning of the subsidiary system of protection. makes up the heart of the subsidiarity principle. This year’s Grand Chamber judgments against The message I hope to convey by this short inter- the Czech Republic8 indicate the importance vention is that reinforcing subsidiarity is not in- the Court attaches thereto as it took the time tended to limit or weaken human rights protec- to redefine and reinforce the obligations on an tion, but rather to emphasise the respective roles applicant to ensure that the applicant raises be- and responsibilities of national and supranational fore the national courts, not only the impugned authorities in that regard. facts, but the precise legal arguments which it So what are the principal tools by which this sub- is intended to later invoke before the ECtHR. sidiary mechanism is constructed and operated? A word about the effectiveness of constitution- al remedies. As a general rule, in a legal system I. Operational/procedural providing constitutional protection for funda- subsidiarity mental rights, an individual must test the ex- tent of that protection and allow the constitu- One of the key manifestations of subsidiarity is tional court to develop those rights by way of in Convention processes and procedures. interpretation9. However, the requirement to exhaust the constitutional remedy will depend A. Obligation on the applicants to ex- on the State’s legal system, the scope of the haust domestic remedies constitutional court’s jurisdiction and the com- The first is to be found in the Convention re- plaint made10. The Court also takes into account quirement that all applicants exhaust all effec- The obligation to exhaust domestic remedies forms part of customary international law (Interhandel case (Switzerland v. Uni- 5 ted States of America)). It is also to be found in other international human-rights treaties: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Article 41(1) (c)) and the Optional Protocol thereto (Articles 2 and 5 (2) (b)); the American Convention on Human Rights (Article 46); and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Articles 50 and 56 (5)). 6 Al-Skeini and Others v. the United Kingdom [GC], § 99. For example, Burden v. the United Kingdom [GC], § 42. 7 8 Fu Quan, s.r.o. v. the Czech Republic [GC]; and Grosam v. the Czech Republic [GC]. 9 A, B and C v. Ireland, § 142, 2010. 10  Uzun v. Turkey (dec.), §§ 42-51 and the references cited therein. 141 whether the constitutional remedy has evolved cient reasons for their decisions, the ECtHR in time towards effectiveness11 and whether would need “strong reasons” to substitute its such an effective remedy remains so if exces- own different analysis for that of the national sively lengthy . Finally, applicants were ab- 12 judges15. solved from exhausting the constitutional rem- edy in recent cases against Poland13 since the Strasbourg Court found that the constitutional court could not be considered independent or Secondly, this judicial re- rule-of-law compliant following recent reforms straint by the Strasbourg Court of the judiciary in Poland14. extends beyond the national courts: significant weight and B. The Strasbourg Court’s process-based leeway is also accorded to a review State’s view as to the necessity of a legislative provision if it is Subsidiarity has found further procedural ex- adopted following an exacting pression in recent years through the greater em- human rights review16. phasis placed by the Strasbourg Court, in cer- tain areas of the case-law, on the quality of the national legal framework and decision-making Thirdly, the case-law also reflects attempts, process (“process-based review”). where possible and suitable, to provide national In the first place, where a national court has courts with what could be considered an “ana- analysed in a comprehensive and convincing lytical framework” to facilitate the application manner the contested legal measure on the of Convention case-law in domestic proceed- basis of the relevant human rights standards ings17. Concretely this translates into the artic- and case-law, providing relevant and suffi- ulation of tests, with the relevant criteria and 11  Riđić and Others v. Serbia, §§ 68-74, 2014, as regards the non-enforcement of judgments rendered in respect of socially/State owned companies. 12  Story and Others v. Malta, §§ 82-85, 2015. 13  Inter alia, Advance Pharma sp. z o.o v. Poland, § 319, 2022; and Juszczyszyn v. Poland, §§ 149-153, 2022. 14  The Court referred to and relied upon, inter alia, judgments of the CJEU in this regard including A.K. and Others (Independence of the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court), C-585/18, C-624/18 and C-625/18, EU:C:2019:982; and Commission v. Poland (Disciplinary regime for judges), C-791/19, EU:C:2021:596. See the emphasis on process and reasoning as regards for example Article 8 in Von Hannover v. Germany (no. 2) [GC] (pri- 15 vacy), as applied in Ndidi v. the United Kingdom (immigration). 16  Animal Defenders International v. the United Kingdom [GC], § 116, and, more recently, Satakunnan Markkinapörssi Oy and Satamedia Oy v. Finland [GC], §§ 192-195; Garib v. the Netherlands [GC], § 138; and Correia de Matos v. Portugal [GC], §§ 115-117. 17  In this regard see, for example, the general principles and methodology set out in: Ibrahim v. the United Kingdom (re- spect for an accused’s right of access to a lawyer under Article 6 §§ 1 and 3 (c) and provision of a non-exhaustive list of factors to be taken into account as appropriate when assessing the impact of a restriction on access to a lawyer on the fairness of the proceedings); Schatschaschwili v. Germany [GC] and Al-Khawaja and Tahery v. the United Kingdom [GC] (fairness of proceedings under Article 6 following the admission to evidence of the statements of absent witnesses and the provision of a three step test for domestic courts); and Üner v. the Netherlands [GC] (criteria to be considered when balancing public and private interests with a view to a decision on the expulsion of a family member); and Halet v. Luxembourg [GC] (protection of whistle-blowers under Article 10). 142 presumptions, to be applied by national courts B and C v. Ireland (2010). The relevant con- to ensure a useful Convention analysis. stitutional provision at issue acknowledged the equal right to life of the unborn and of the These trends towards a process-based review mother. have been described by President Spano as a manifestation of the Court’s commitment to the Two applicants complained under Article 8 age of subsidiarity, where the primary responsi- that they had no right to choose an abortion bility for protecting Convention rights lies with for their well-being. While a broad margin of the national authorities, particularly the na- appreciation was, in principle, to be accorded tional superior courts18. to the Irish State in balancing such competing rights, the margin would normally be signifi- cantly narrowed by what was at the time an II. Substantive overwhelming European consensus towards subsidiarity broader access to abortion than available in Ire- land at the time. However, in the end it was not A. Margin of appreciation found that this clear consensus decisively nar- rowed the broad margin of appreciation of the The substantive manifestations of subsidiarity State since the question at the heart of the issue are equally critical and the most crucial is the (when life began) was undecided (whether from acknowledgement that the States enjoy a mar- a legal, philosophical, scientific, religious point gin of appreciation in how they implement the of view): the margin of appreciation of the State Convention, depending on and tailored to, the remained broad. The absence of the possibility circumstances of the case and the rights and of abortion for well-being reasons fell therefore freedoms at issue. In this sense, the margin of within the State’s margin of appreciation lead- appreciation has a normative function allowing ing to a finding of no violation as regards those the Court to manage the delicate task of accom- two applicants. modating diversity, pluralism and flexibility A third applicant in that case argued that her within the Convention framework: the idea is pregnancy constituted a risk to her life. While not to impose a uniform Europe-wide interpre- the constitution accorded her a theoretical right tation, but rather to take into account, in so far to seek an abortion, there was no legislative as possible, local contexts, history, values and framework in place to implement the constitu- needs and to measure those elements against, tional provision and, in particular, to determine notably, the prevailing European consensus19. how that broadly expressed equal constitution- A useful example of this function - striking a al right to life of the mother could be measured balance between common minimum standards, or determined as requiring access to a legal on the one hand, and the State specific needs abortion in a legally binding manner in a giv- and sensitivities, on the other - is the case of A, See R. Spano, “Universality or Diversity of Human Rights? Strasbourg in the age of subsidiarity”, Human Rights Law Review 18  (2014) 14 (3), p. 487-502. The existence of a consensus has long played a role in the evolution of Convention protection: either to justify (Goodwin v. the 19  United Kingdom) or refuse (Odièvre v. France [GC]) such developments. 143 en case. The lack of legislative implementation Court to take the place of national courts, re- meant that this applicant’s right to protect her assessing facts and interpreting national law. life remained a theoretical one. Importantly, Its role is rather to ensure that those decisions the Supreme Court had previously acknowl- are not flawed for arbitrariness or otherwise edged that it was not the appropriate forum for manifestly unreasonable. If it were otherwise this primarily medical determination and that the Court would be acting as an additional or it was inappropriate to require women to take “fourth” instance which would be to disregard on such complex constitutional litigation when the limits imposed on its action21. A typical ex- their underlying constitutional right to an abor- ample would be an applicant who complains tion, in the case of a qualifying risk to life, was about a wrongful conviction rather than about not disputed: it called for legislative implemen- any procedural defect in the proceedings lead- tation of the constitutional provision. It was this ing to that outcome, which defect could be such position of the Supreme Court, together with as to lead to a finding that those proceedings are the lack of an explanation for the failure to leg- unfair in terms of Article 6 of the Convention. islate, that allowed the Court to find that there had been a failure to secure to that applicant ef- fective respect for her private life. Moreover, even if the Conven- This judgment is a useful example, of how the tion provision itself requires Court uses its subsidiarity tool box (margin of that the State act “in accordance appreciation, consensus, dialoguing with con- with the law”, it is considered stitutional courts) to find balance in a sensitive to be firstly for the national au- context: finding a violation in relation to one thorities (notably the courts) to applicant (by essentially reflecting the existing interpret and apply domestic demands of the Supreme Court) and, on the law: the Court’s focus is rather more sensitive question of extending access to on the accessibility and foresee- abortion beyond the Constitutional provision, ability of that provision, on the the ECtHR gave the respondent State space to protection it offers against arbi- seek to resolve domestically a matter which had trariness and on the safeguards been a highly divisive issue for decades20. for which it provides22. The Court’s role is therefore con- B. Fourth Instance doctrine fined to ascertaining whether Secondly, this substantive subsidiarity finds the effects of such an interpre- everyday expression in its fourth-instance doc- tation are compatible with the trine. It is not the function of the Strasbourg Convention23. A referendum in 2018 allowed for terminations in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy and the implementing legislation was pas- 20  sed soon thereafter. Kemmache v. France (no. 3). 21  Solska and Rybicka v. Poland, §§ 112-129, and further references therein. 22  Fu Quan v. the Czech Republic [GC], § 120. 23  144  force the subsidiary nature of the Strasbourg su- III. Importance of dialogue, pervisory mechanism and underscore the prima- the supranational and ry role of national courts. Every year the Court is national courts pleased to welcome numerous visits from courts A. Dialogue through jurisprudence across the Council of Europe legal space. The dialogue with which the Strasbourg Court is In 2015 the Court decided to put structure on primarily concerned is the choices it makes in the this dialogue, creating the Superior Courts Net- text and reasoning of its judgments. This form of work (SCN) to ensure effective and structured judicial dialogue can determine how the Court exchanges on Convention case law and to pro- makes the principle of subsidiarity work in prac- vide concrete operational support to superior tice so as to enable the domestic courts to deal courts, including tailor-made to their needs. more effectively with Convention issues arising This space has also become a place of informal before them. The ultimate goal is, of course, to en- and ad hoc exchanges between national courts, sure that issues are dealt with nationally and that also a favoured means of mutual support and applications are not lodged in Strasbourg. problem-solving. Currently the largest network of superior courts in the world, it boasts 104 The most frequently cited example of express or member superior courts from 45 States. deliberate dialogue is probably R v. Horncastle The creation of the Court’s Knowledge Sharing and others and Al-Khawaja and Tahery v. the platform, providing up-to-date case-law analysis United Kingdom concerning the compatibility on all principal Convention subjects, has been with Article 6 of the use of statements of a wit- a paradigm change in terms of access to the ex- ness who was not called to give evidence. The tensive ECHR case-law within the Court. It was former decision of the UK Supreme Court inter- quickly opened on a privileged basis to the superi- vened after a 7 judge Chamber of the Strasbourg or courts and, subsequently, fully externalized to Court had found a violation of Article 6 of the all external actors. This platform, of itself, goes a Convention but before the Grand Chamber, to long way to supporting the role of key Convention which Al-Khawaja had been referred, handed actors in fulfilling their shared responsibility for down its judgment. The Grand Chamber con- the implementation of the Convention . cluded that, contrary to the conclusion reached by the Chamber, there had been no violation of The most recent addition to the SCN projects, the Article 6 § 1 of the Convention. Visiting Professionals Scheme, allows superior courts to visit Strasbourg and to hear from ECtHR B. Networking and knowledge sharing staff on matters of know-how on subjects chosen by them including on case-processing, document Successive Presidents and Judges of this Court management, knowledge management and the have placed considerable value on close dialogue related IT tools. In the six short months since the with national superior courts to enhance the launch of this Scheme, requests from national shared implementation of the Convention, rein- courts have been constant24. Constitutional Court of Türkiye, Supreme Court of Cyprus, Kuria of Hungary, Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania, Sup- 24  reme Court of Ireland, the Superior Council of the Magistracy/High Court of Cassation and Justice/Bucharest Court of Appeal of Romania and, last week, the Supreme Court of Azerbaijan, the Constitutional Court of Latvia and the Supreme Court of Slovenia. 145 C. Protocol No. 16 to the Convention IV. Conclusion The third manner in which the ECtHR dia- logues with superior courts is through Protocol Optimising subsidiarity, to ensure a shared re- No. 16 to the Convention which allows, since it’s sponsibility for ensuring human rights protec- entry into force in 2018, the “highest courts” tion within the Convention system, remains of a Contracting State to request an advisory the abiding theme in the Convention system opinion of the Strasbourg Court on a matter and the focus of the Court’s relationship with concerning “issues of principle relating to the the national superior, notably constitutional, interpretation or application of the rights and courts. If historically the relationship with na- freedoms defined in the Convention or its Pro- tional courts may have been perceived as a hier- tocols” which have arisen in a pending case be- archical one, that model is no longer accurate as fore the requesting court. This extension of the I hope the above-outline has illustrated. Court’s advisory jurisdiction is, according to the To return therefore to the mirrored roles and preamble of Protocol No. 16, to enhance the in- responsibilities referred to at the outset, the teraction between the Court and higher nation- subsidiary system means that, for the ECtHR to al courts with a view to reinforcing the imple- take a step back in any concrete case, the na- mentation of the ECHR in accordance with the tional authorities have to step in and to step principle of subsidiarity. up their human rights scrutiny. The subsidiary principle therefore does not therefore lower the standard of human rights protection and it is not a question of deference by the supranation- So Advisory opinions can thus al court. Rather, the message is that a thorough provide interpretative assis- quality control of Convention compatibility has tance to Member States, so as to take place, either at national or supranation- to avoid future violations, fa- al level. The principle of subsidiarity operates cilitate the correct interpreta- to calibrate within this process the interrelated tion of the Convention within roles and responsibilities of both the national national legal orders and, in superior (constitutional) court and the supra- this context, enhance judicial national court. dialogue . 25 To date the Court has received eight requests pursuant to Protocol No. 16: six opinions have been delivered, one request was 25  declined and one is pending. 146  Contribution by Ms. Grainne McMorrow, Representative of the Venice Commission THE ROLE OF THE VENICE COMMISSION IN SUPPORTING DEMOCRACY AND PROMOTING THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURTS INTERNATIONALLY G ood morning, everyone. I must say at the outset, it is indeed a great honor for me to and acknowledge the recognition that the Ven- ice Commission has for the efforts you and your be here this morning deputizing for Madame highest Calibre fellow Judges have put into the Claire Bazy -Malourie, the President of the development of your Constitutional Courts over Council of Europe Venice Commission for De- the last 14 years . It is very important that the mocracy Through Law. We are an organisation, establishment of a Constitutional court attracts which I hope that you all have a familiarity with the first and most significant commitment for and perhaps a significant participation in. Can any country, emerging or not, because we rely on I first say President Gresa Caka Nimani, now an effective, functioning Constitutional Court to grateful I am for this kind invitation to the Ven- protect citizens, and trickle down best practice ice Commission to attend the 14th anniversary of to the lower courts beneath it, in order to have a the establishment of your Constitutional Court, functioning Judicial system to support Democ- an exemplary court, a beacon of aspiration for racy. I’d like to just take a minute of my time many other countries in how you function and albeit I have no idea how I can cover the ground operate. And I say that without any reservation, adequately regarding the Venice Commission 147 and its work over 33 years in the 10 minutes al- there in terms of perhaps useful Opinions on located. But can I please firstly acknowledge the complex areas of law encountered by States. We really important contribution that the Kosovan were founded after a proposal by an Italian Pro- members of the Venice Commission, your em- fessor Pergola who was then Minister for Com- inent Professors Qerim Qerimi and Professor munity Policy in 1990 in Italy who believed very Istrefi, and all their predecessors, including for- strongly that sustainable democracies could mer President of the Constitutional Court Arta only be built on a constitutional framework Rama-Hajrizi, because their contribution to the based on the rule of law. He felt that we had a working of the Venice Commission has been ex- unique resource, a pool of international legal tremely significant and valuable. expertise we could call upon to assist countries with their transition to democracy and so his proposal gathered momentum and support, which resulted in the setting up of the Venice The Venice Commission is an Commission. In fact, he took office as the first advisory body of the Council of President of the Venice Commission. So we are Europe on legal and constitu- now 33 years in existence, and we have issued tional matters, and its primary to date 13 opinions that concern Kosovo on role is to provide legal advice to a wide range of issues. We have 61 members its member States and in par- now of which, 15 are non - Council of Europe ticular to assist States wishing members and we also have four observer coun- to bring their legal and institu- tries. We have adopted 1,110 country specific tional structures in line with opinions and general reports and we have or- the European Convention and ganized over 100 international conferences. We legal standards and utilizes its work very closely with the EU, PACE, European international experience in the Commission and with the OSCE or ODHIR and fields of democracy, human other organizations working in this arena. We rights and the rule of law. It also provide training in human rights, rule of also contributes to the dissem- law, good governance and electoral administra- ination and consolidation of a tion and justice. We are a resource for countries common constitutional heri- and we are a resource that is available to all of tage and provides emergency you, and we hope that your participation will constitutional aid to states in enhance how good a resource that can be. transition. And in that regard, I’d like to just take a moment to pay tribute, to everyone in this room making Now a few, brief summary of facts regarding the a contribution to the betterment of our society, Venice Commission. I am sharing for your kind to the enhancement and protection of human attention also an overhead image that summa- rights internationally, to protecting Democracy rizes our work. I encourage you all to explore and the Rule of Law, to ensuring that Consti- our website and avail of the resources available tutions deliver essential rights and protections 148 to all citizens and you deserve great credit for is only necessary that people, good people, do your efforts in that regard. You are here to par- nothing, Well, we are not content with doing ticipate in this important event here in Pristina nothing and collectively we have something to primarily for that purpose. The achievements in offer each other. It is important to realise that Kosova towards our shared goals are exception- you must never stop learning. There is much to al, whilst recognizing as they do, that there is learn from countries in transition, countries at more to achieve. The Venice Commission for its early or different stages in their evolution, who part acknowledges that it is enormously hum- are emerging perhaps from conflict and taking bling to be entrusted with the ability to advise a the first steps towards independence. It’s very country on a dilemma it faces regarding its leg- important that we respect both the traditions islation or its constitution. We express our grat- and history of the countries that we visit. We itude for your trust in us. We always respect the are asked to provide Legal Opinions on specif- traditions and heritage of each respective coun- ic issues and as Rapporteurs selected by the try we work with. We do not go blindly there Venice Commission, we are usually a group of and simply, project rigid opinion. Our process 3/4 Members or Experts , we then determine of engagement is that we brief ourselves care- how best to approach our opinions with regard fully and examine the history of that country, to their legislation and their constitutions. We its circumstances and pressures, its political each individually and independently prepare a situation, and then we go on visiting mission to provisional Opinion on the question asked and the country concerned, where we meet all stake- then collaborate in finalizing a joint Opinion holders, including everyone from the President which is then circulated to Members and the down, to the politicians in Government and in State concerned for discussion before being Opposition, to those central to the Administra- presented to the Venice Commission Plenary tion of Justice , The chief Justice , Judges, Pros- Session where it is voted on. The Venice Com- ecutors , and also those who lead civil society mission approaches the questions it is asked Organisations. We listen and our opinions are to advise on with openness and empathy. We based on that process. Who are the members of listen. We focus on ways to create avenues for the Venice Commission? Well, we are a group of dialogue and positive progression within the lawyers predominantly, but some of our mem- country concerned and to deliver the best legal bers have been Prime Ministers or Ministers of advice on the topic it has been asked to advise Justice of their countries. We include amongst upon. our members some of the most eminent inter- national law professors. There are a few like Many of our eminent speakers today have al- myself who have been practicing lawyers before ready spoken about the pressures, about the the courts. We value those who are determined necessity to protect the independence of the ju- to make a contribution to the betterment of all diciary, to protect separation of powers. Politi- of societies and something in this reminds me cians live and work in a complex arena, they are of, if you’ll forgive me for quoting a historic the legislators, primarily, but their pressures are Economist and Philosopher, Edmund Burke, very different and the vagaries of political life, when he said that in order for evil to thrive, it the need to be re-elected can potentially com- 149 promise best endeavours, and the disturbing the fact that 61 countries nominate two mem- rise of populism can potentially add pressures bers who attend the Commission and offer their to their work. We must stand in our constitu- services and expertise, free of charge. This is tional courts and at the Venice Commission, an unpaid role where we agree to become rap- above and beyond that, in order to protect the porteurs on opinions for specific countries on integrity of a Constitution that serves all of the specific areas of law, largely constitutional law, people. where we have expertise, but also on any issues concerning the structure of the courts, elec- I was very touched by the remarks of Professor tions, human rights, separation of powers, im- Ginsburg about how we at the Venice Commis- partiality - values that we all need to share if we sion are the least offensive interlocutor and in- are going to live in better societies. fluencer for good , in the context of of all such entities effecting positive change, because we So there you have a very short outline of our neither wield “the purse nor the sword “ and Venice Commission work and I hope we can that resonated strongly with me . We have is- inspire some confidence in your countries if sued to date, 1,110 opinions, which are country they have not yet sought our assistance. If I can specific. We have no mandate to enforce imple- please ask you to consider requesting opinions mentation. But pretty much always our opin- from us because we are really there to help, ions are implemented. We function below the without agendas, or bias whatsoever and we radar. We’re not a hugely public organization. would like to assist where possible. We tend not to make pronouncements. Ours is Perhaps I’ll leave it there, but please do not hes- a more personal engagement with the individu- itate to approach me with any questions you al countries who seek our assistance. Now I will have regarding the Venice Commission, and seek guidance from learned moderator because remember that we are happy to assist in any I could go on beyond my time allocation. respect regarding your concerns around legis- Personally, I am passionate about the value of lation or constitutions. Thank you very much. the Venice Commission. I am passionate about 150  Doprinos od G. Mirsad Ćeman, potpredsednik Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine1 UTICAJ SUDSKE PRAKSE EVROPSKOG SUDA ZA LJUDSKA PRAVA NA PRAKSU DOMAĆIH SUDOVA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI vini primjenjuje kao „domaće pravo“ ali i kao 1. Uvod međunarodno ratifikovani ugovor.1 Evropska konvencija o zaštiti ljudskih prava i Zaštita osnovnih prava garantiranih Ustavom osnovnih sloboda (Evropska konvencija) kao Bosne i Hercegovine i Evropskom konvenci- najznačajniji međunarodni ugovor iz oblasti jom osigurana je prema članu VI.3.b) Ustava zaštite ljudskih prava i sloboda sastavni je dio Bosne i Hercegovine, apelacionom nadležnošću unutrašnjeg pravnog poretka Bosne i Herce- Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine (Ustav- govine, direktno je primjenjiva i, shodno Us- ni sud) prema kojoj „Ustavni sud ima također tavu Bosne i Hercegovine, ima supremaciju apelacionu nadležnost za pitanja iz Ustava koja nad svim drugim zakonima. Ovaj specifični se pojave na temelju presude bilo kojeg drugog ustavni status Evropske konvencije postoji od suda u Bosni i Hercegovini“, što podrazumije- stupanja na snagu Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine va mogućnosti preispitivanja sudskih odluka na iz 1995. godine, dakle i prije nego što je Evrops- osnovu individualne apelacije („ustavne tužbe“ ka konvencija ratifikovana 2002. godine. Dak- kako se u nekim sistemima naziva) ukoliko su le, Evropska konvencija se u Bosni i Hercego- povrijeđena Ustavom zagarantovana prava i Contribution as originally delivered in Bosnian. 1 151 slobode. Apelaciona nadležnost predstavlja jed- Ustavnim sudom. Kada je riječ o poštivanju nu od važnijih i najčešće korištenih nadležnosti prava na lični i porodični život, ili miješanja u Ustavnog suda koja se sastoji od zaštite ustavnih prava na dom iz člana 8. Evropske konvenci- prava i sloboda pojedinaca, uključujući i prava je, veliki je broj odluka u kojima je Ustavni sud i slobode iz Evropske konvencije i Protokola uz Bosne i Hercegovine koristio stavove Evrops- Evropsku konvenciju. Apelacija je ustvari po- kog suda zauzete u predmetu Niemietz pro- sljednja prilika da se unutar pravnog sistema tiv Njemačke3. U kontekstu prava na ličnu Bosne i Hercegovine, odnosno na domaćem slobodu i sigurnost iz člana 5. Evropske kon- nivou, ispravi kršenje ljudskih prava i sloboda vencije jedna od presuda koja se može izdvojiti što je zapravo krajnji cilj svih mehanizama za je presuda u predmetu Winterwerp protiv zaštitu ljudskih prava.Vršenjem ove nadležnos- Nizozemske (od 24. oktobra 1979. godine). ti Ustavni sud postaje najjači domaći mehani- Presuda u predmetu Unterpertinger protiv zam zaštite ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda. Austrije4 je bila od velike pomoći u kontekstu garancija iz člana 6. stav 3. tačka d). U predme- U Bosni Hercegovini Evropska konvencija se ci- tima koji se odnose na pitanja izvršenja pravos- tira i primjenjuje gotovo svakodnevno a Ustavni nažnih presuda (u kontekstu prava na pravično sud svoju praksu zasniva na dosljednoj primjeni suđenje, član 6. Evropske konvencije), Ustavni konvencijskih standarda i na praksi Evropskog sud često koristi stavove Evropskog suda zauze- suda za ljudska prava (Evropski sud), kao ov- te u presudi Hornsby protiv Grčke5. Kada laštenog tumača Evropske konvencije. Snažna govorimo o pravu na pravično suđenje mora- volja, spremnost i odlučnost Ustavnog suda da mo spomenuti i primjenu u praksi Ustavnog se preuzmu evropski standardi kroz dosljedno suda principa koje je Evropski sud definisao u poštivanje prakse Evropskog suda vidljiva je već predmetu Dragojević protiv Hrvatske6 koji se od prvih godina rada Ustavnog suda, počev od odnosio na pitanje posebnih istražnih radnji. 1997.godine2. U kontekstu prava koja garantira član 3. Proto- kola broj 1, u predmetima koji pokreću pitanja 2. Praksa Evropskog suda za koja se odnose na izbore, značajni su stavovi iz ljudska prava i njena primje- presude Mathieu-Mohin i Clerfayt protiv na u praksi Ustavnog suda Belgije7. Iz grupe predmeta koje su se odnosile na azil Mnogo je primjera u kojima se Ustavni sud poz- i ostala prava stranaca, odnosno mjere prema vao na praksu Evropskog suda i svaki je značajan stranicima, treba spomenuti odluku Ustavnog u kontekstu različitih pitanja postavljenih pred suda u predmetu gdje je osporenim presudama Ustavni sud BiH je ustanovljen članom VI Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine koji je Aneks 4 Općeg okvirnog sporazuma za mir u 2 Bosni i Hercegovini (tzv. Dejtonski odnosno Pariški mirovni sporazum od 14.decembra 1995.godine).Inače, tradicija ustavnog sudovanja u Bosni i Hercegovini datira još od 1964.godine kada je osnovan prvi Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine. Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Niemietz protiv Njemačke, aplikacija broj 13710/88, 16.12.1992. godine 3 Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Unterpertinger protiv Austrije, 9120/80, 24.11.1986. godine 4 Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Hornsby protiv Grčke, 18357/91, 19.3.1997. godine 5 Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Dragojević protiv Hrvatske, 68955/11, 15.1.2015. godine 6 Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Mathieu-Mohin i Clerfayt protiv Belgije, 9267/81, 2.3.1987. godine 7 152 redovnog suda, rješenjima Ministarstva sigur- vencije zbog zadržavanja aplikanta pod nosti i Službe za poslove sa strancima apelant nadzorom u periodu nakon pokretanja stavljen pod nadzor, te je i produženo njegovo postupka deportacije, te je odbio navode stavljanje pod nadzor u Imigracionom centru, o kršenju prava iz tog člana. U konkret- a na osnovu člana 99. stav 2. tačka b) Zakona o nom slučaju apelant je stavljen pod nadzor 30. kretanju i boravku stranaca i azilu . U obraz- 8 juna 2010. godine na period od 30 dana (do 30. loženju osporenih odluka je navedeno da je jula 2010. godine) zbog toga što je utvrđeno da nakon provedenog postupka utvrđeno da ape- predstavlja prijetnju nacionalnoj sigurnosti, te lantovo prisustvo i dalje predstavlja prijetnju da je nakon toga nadzor nad apelantom pro- javnom redu i nacionalnoj sigurnosti Bosne i dužavan također na periode od 30 dana, a zad- Hercegovine, te da je apelantu oduzeto pravo na nji put, prema rješenjima obuhvaćenim apelaci- boravak, odbijen zahtjev za međunarodnu zašti- jom, rješenjem od 30. decembra 2011. godine. tu i izrečena mjera protjerivanja na period od Ustavni sud je utvrdio da apelant nije osporio pet godina, pa da je i radi izvršenja ovih odluka sva rješenja Službe, Ministarstva i Suda BiH već neophodan daljnji apelantov boravak pod nad- je kao prvo osporeno rješenje označio rješenje zorom u Imigracionom centru. U odluci u na- Službe o produženju nadzora od 20. augusta vedenom predmetu Ustavni sud se osvrnuo na 2010. godine (kojim mu je produžen nadzor u praksu Evropskog suda u predmetu Al-Ham- periodu od 31. augusta do 30. septembra 2010. dani protiv Bosne i Hercegovine9. Naime, godine), te rješenje Službe od 22. septembra razmatrajući pitanje kršenja prava na slobodu 2010. godine (kojim mu je produžen nadzor od i sigurnost ličnosti u odnosu na tog aplikan- 1. do 31. oktobra 2010. godine). Osim toga, Us- ta, Evropski sud je, između ostalog, naveo da tavni sud zapaža da je postupak protjerivanja je aplikant stavljen pod nadzor 23. juna 2009. pokrenut 6. oktobra 2010. godine nakon što je godine jer su nadležni organi utvrdili da pred- istekao rok za dobrovoljno napuštanje teritorije stavlja prijetnju nacionalnoj sigurnosti, dakle, u BiH, koji je apelantu ostavljen rješenjem o otka- vrijeme kada postupak protjerivanja aplikanta zivanju stalnog boravka, a da je rješenje o prot- još uvijek nije bio pokrenut. S tim u vezi, Ev- jerivanju doneseno 15. oktobra 2010. godine. ropski sud je zaključio da apelantovo zadržavan- Imajući u vidu navedeno, te slijedeći na- je pod nadzorom u periodu od 23. juna 2009. vedeni stav Evropskog suda u predmetu godine pa do pokretanja postupka deportacije Al-Hamdani, Ustavni sud je utvrdio da 8. novembra 2010. godine nije opravdano sa se u okolnostima konkretnog predme- aspekta člana 5. stav 1. točka f) Evropske kon- ta period apelantovog zadržavanja pod vencije budući da je zadržavanje pod nadzo- nadzorom po osporenim rješenjima po rom opravdano jedino u slučaju dok traje pos- kojima je apelantu nadzor produžen u tupak protjerivanja. Međutim, Evropski sud periodu od 31. augusta do 30. septem- je u istom predmetu zaključio da nema bra 2010. godine, odnosno od 1. oktobra kršenja navedenog člana Evropske kon- do 31. oktobra 2010. godine, a koji se Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj AP 4518/10, 13.6.2012. godine 8 Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Al-Hamdani protiv Bosne i Hercegovine, 31098/10, 7.2.2012. godine 9 153 odnosi na period prije pokretanja pos- posebne prirode odnosa između određenih tupka apelantovog protjerivanja 6. ok- državnih službenika i države. U stvari, postoji tobra 2010. godine, ne bi mogao smatra- presumpcija da se član 6. primjenjuje“. Ovakvu ti opravdanim u smislu odredbi člana 5. praksu je u cijelosti prihvatio i Ustavni sud.13 stav 1. točka f) Evropske konvencije, te da u tom periodu postoji kršenje ovog apelantovog prava. Ovo su samo neki, ilustrativni Prema praksi Evropskog suda iz presude primjeri, s obzirom da svaka Pellegrin protiv Francuske sporovi koji odluka Ustavnog suda sadrži pokrenu javni službenici čiji posao ukazuje citate presuda Evropskog suda na specifične aktivnosti javnih službi i ako su i teško ih je a nije ni potrebno ti službenici odgovorni za zaštitu općih inte- sve ih spomenuti. resa države ili drugih javnih vlasti (pripadni- ci oružanih snaga, policije i drugih snaga za održavanje reda, nositelji pravosudnih dužno- Kao što se može vidjeti, utjecaj prakse Ev- sti, carinski službenici, diplomatsko osoblje i ropskog suda je značajan za rad Ustavnog suda. dr.) isključeni su iz djelokruga člana 6. stav 1. Međutim, u procesu rješavanja predmeta iz svo- Evropske konvencije.10 Ovu praksu slijedio je i je nadležnosti Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine Ustavni sud.11 Međutim, Evropski sud za često istražuje i druge izvore prakse pa tako, u ljudska prava u predmetu Vilho Eske- skladu s potrebama predmeta o kojima Ustavni linen i dr. protiv Finske12 preispitao je sud odlučuje, istražuje i praksu drugih sudova, svoju raniju praksu, te zaključio da je npr. Evropskog suda pravde. za isključivanje državnih službenika iz Praksa Evropskog suda pravde u odno- zaštite predviđene članom 6. stav 1. Ev- su na praksu Evropskog suda za ljudska prava ropske konvencije neophodno kumula- nije tako često zastupljena, ali je značajna. U tivno ispunjenje dva uvjeta. «Prvo, država, praksi Ustavnog suda postoji nekoliko odluka u u domaćem pravu, mora izričito isključiti kojima je od velikog značaja bila odluka Schul pristup sudu za određenu poziciju ili kategoriju Europskog suda pravde U jednoj od odluka osoblja. Drugo, isključivanje mora biti opra- Ustavnog suda14 je navedeno: Ustavni sud vdano i zasnovano na objektivnim razlozima primjećuje da je materijalni sadržaj je- interesa države» te da «ništa ne opravdava iskl- dinstvenog tržišta jasno definirao Ev- jučivanje običnih radnih sporova iz garancija na ropski sud pravde, dajući evropskim osnovu člana 6. – onih koji se odnose na plaću, zemljama smjernice u ustavnopravnom nadoknadu drugih prava tog tipa – na osnovu razvoju ovog važnog aspekta. Prema Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Pellegrini protiv Francuske, 28541/95, 8.12.1999. godine, st. 64. do 67. 10  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj AP 1766/15 od 16.1.2007. godine 11  Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Vilho Eskelinen i dr. protiv Finske, 63235/00, 19.4.2007. godine, st. 42. do 62. 12  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj AP 2231/06 od 23. i 24.11.2007. godine, st. 10-13 13  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj U 68/02 od 25.6.2004. godine 14  154 tome, pozivanje na praksu Evropskog formi) bila obaviještena o bitnim elementima suda pravde je od izuzetne važnosti. U ugovora, Ustavni sud je napomenuo da je pri skladu s tom sudskom praksom, ma- razmatranju okolnosti konkretnog slučaja imao terijalni pojam «jedinstvenog tržišta» u vidu Direktivu Vijeća Evropske zajednice broj nalaže da se, ukidanjem svih tehničkih, 93/13/EEZ od 5. aprila 1993. godine („Službeni administrativnih i drugih mjera, ost- list Evropskih zajednica“ broj 95/29,) na temel- vari unutrašnje tržište u Bosni i Herce- ju koje je Evropski sud pravde donio presudu u govini 15. predmetu broj C-186/16 od 20. septembra 2017. godine povodom zahtjeva za prethodnu odluku U predmetu u kojem se Ustavni sud bavio pi- koju je uputio Žalbeni sud u Oradei - Rumuni- tanjem propisivanja monopolskog položaja ja, u okviru spora između Ruxandre Paule Ad- kolektivne organizacije za ostvarivanja riciuc i 68 drugih lica, s jedne strane, i Banca autorskog i srodnih prava16 u prilog zakl- Romaneasca SA u vezi s nepoštenim odred- jučku da monopolski položaj kolektivnih orga- bama iz ugovora o kreditu prema koji- nizacija nije per se nedopušten Ustavni sud je ma su korisnici kredita bili dužni vraća- ukazao na relevantne dijelove odluke Evropsk- ti mjesečne rate kredita u švajcarskim og suda pravde u predmetu broj C-351/12 koji francima. Posljedica toga je bila da su tečajni se također bavio pitanjem zakonom propisa- rizik koji podrazumijeva da se rata povećava u nog monopola. Evropski sud pravde je u ovom slučaju pada tečaja rumunskog leja u odnosu predmetu, između ostalog, istakao da činjenica na CHF u potpunosti snosili oni. Ustavni sud da je država članica društvu za kolektivno ost- je podsjetio da je nadležnost Evropskog suda varivanje […] dodijelila monopol na području te pravde originalna a to znači da se pred tim su- države članice radi ostvarivanja autorskih pra- dom rješavaju predmeti koji za stranku još nisu va u vezi s jednom kategorijom zaštićenih djela izgubljeni pred nacionalnim sudovima, te, s tim nije sama po sebi protivna članu 102. Ugovora o u vezi, podsjetio na obavezu država članica Ev- funkcionisanju Evropske unije. ropske unije da poštuju i provode odluke Ev- Ustavni sud se, kao i mnogi sudovi u regiji i ropskog suda pravde. U tom kontekstu, imajući šire, u nekoliko predmeta bavio ispitivanjem u vidu da je vladavina prava osnovni princip na odluka donesenih u postupcima u kojima su čijem ostvarenju rade svi nacionalni sudovi, pa se pokrenula pitanja ništavosti ugovora o tako i pravosuđe u Bosni i Hercegovini, Ustavni kreditu prema kursu švicarskog franka sud je istakao da, iako Bosna i Hercegovina nije (CHF). U jednom od takvih predmeta17 imajući članica Evropske unije i nema direktnu obav- u vidu apelacione navode kojima je, između os- ezu da provodi odluke Evropskog suda pravde talog, ukazano na nedostatak bitnih elemenata kao što imaju države članice, ona može tumačiti ugovora u vrijeme njegovog zaključenja i stav iz domaće zakonodavstvo u duhu pravnog kon- osporene presude iz kog proizlazi da je apelanti- cepta kakav podržava Evropska unija, tim pri- ca na jasan i potpuno razumljiv način (u pisanoj je što Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine u članu II/1. Evropski sud pravde, Schul, predmet broj 15/81, Zbirka 1982, str. 1431, stav 33 15  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj U-18/14 od 9.7.2015. godine 16  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj AP-5328/15 od 13.3.2018. godine 17  155 propisuje najviše standarde zaštite ljudskih slobode lica koja su krivično djelo učinila prava u poređenju sa minimalnim standardima u stanju neuračunljivosti, ali kao i u pre- koje nameće Evropska konvencija. thodnom slučaju te mjere u trenutku donošenja odluke Evropskog suda po aplikacijama nekih od lica koja su se prethodno obraćala Ustav- 3. Predmeti protiv Bosne i nom sudu još uvijek nisu bile implementirane Hercegovine pred Evropskim (presuda Halilović protiv Bosne i Hercegov- sudom za ljudska prava ine). Naime, iako je Zakon o krivičnom postup- ku izmijenjen, lica koja su smještena u Foren- Kada je riječ o predmetima Evropskog suda zičko-psihijatrijskom odjelu zatvora u Zenici protiv Bosne i Hercegovine u mnogim od pod- još uvijek su čekala na premještaj u zdravstvenu nesenih aplikacija aplikanti su prethodno vodi- ustanovu. li postupke pred Ustavnim sudom. U brojnim presudama u predmetima koji su se ticali neiz- Radi potpunijeg sagledavanja ovoga vršavanja pravosnažnih odluka (npr. ratna odnosa (Ustavni sud BiH i ESLJP) mora- šteta) Evropski sud je kao i Ustavni sud utvr- ju se navesti, barem kroz nekoliko prim- dio kršenje prava iz Evropske konvencije (pre- jera, karakteristični predmeti u koji- sude Janjić i dr. protiv Bosne i Hercegovine, ma je došlo do potpunog mimoilaženja Milinković protiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Miškov- stavova Ustavnog suda i Evropskog suda. ić protiv Bosne i Hercegovine itd). Isti je slučaj i U predmetu Maktouf i Damjanović18 sa aplikacijama u kojima se radilo o lišavanju pritužbe aplikanata su se odnosile na krivični slobode lica sa duševnim smetnjama u postupak pred Sudom Bosne i Hercegovine Zavod za zbrinjavanje mentalno invalidnih lica u kojem su proglašeni odgovornim i kažnjeni bez odluke nadležnog građanskog suda (pre- prema odredbama Krivičnog zakona Bosne i suda Hadžimejlić protiv Bosne i Hercegovine). Hercegovine iz 2003. godine (KZ BiH) za zlo- Evropski sud je u ovom predmetu istakao da su čine protiv civilnog stanovništva koje su počinili odluke Ustavnog suda zaista priznale navodnu tokom rata od 1992 do 1995. godine. Oni su se povredu Evropske konvencije u predmetima žalili da je odbijanjem Suda BiH da primijeni aplikanata ali da nadležne vlasti nisu otklonile Krivični zakon Socijalističke Federativne Re- navedene nedostatke. Ustavni sud je sto- publike Jugoslavije iz 1976. godine (KZ SFRJ), ga pored utvrđivanja povrede prava koji je bio na snazi u vrijeme počinjenja ratnih naložio nadležnim vlastima poduziman- zločina, povrijeđeno pravilo zabrane retroaktiv- je i konkretizaciju generalnih mjera nog kažnjavanja sadržanog u članu 7. Evropske kako bi se stanje ne samo u konkretnim konvencije. Prema tom zakonu (KZ SFRJ), ratni slučajevima nego i općenito poravilo. zločini i genocid su se kažnjavali kaznom zatvo- Uz utvrđivanje povrede prava iz Evropske kon- ra u trajanju od najmanje pet godina do najviše vencije i Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine određene 15 godina ili, u najtežim slučajevima, smrtnom generalne mjere Ustavni sud je naložio i u kaznom, koja je mogla biti promijenjena u kaz- odlukama koje su se ticale zakonitosti lišavanja nu dugotrajnog zatvora u trajanju od 20 godina. Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Veliko vijeće, Maktouf i Damjanović protiv BiH, 2312/08 i 34179/08, 18.7.2013. godine 18  156 Sudovi na nivou entiteta su na predmete ratnih vosnažno osuđen na osnovu Zakona o javnom zločina generalno primjenjivali ovaj zakon, a redu Zeničko-dobojskog kantona, te je utvrdio pošto se nakon stupanja na snagu Dejtonskog povredu člana 4. Protokola broj 7 uz Evropsku mirovnog sporazuma iz 1995. godine smrtna ka- konvenciju. zna nije više mogla primjenjivati u Bosni i Her- Odluka u jednom predmetu protiv Bosne i Her- cegovini, ti sudovi su za ratne zločine izricali ka- cegovine izuzetno je važna. Radi se o pred- zne zatvora u trajanju do 15 godina. Taj pravni metu Sejdić i Finci protiv Bosne i Herce- okvir je promijenjen 2003. godine, kada je Ured govine20 u kojem je Evropski sud po prvi Visokog predstavnika u Bosni i Hercegovini put donio presudu prema Protokolu (OHR) nametnuo Krivični zakon na državnom broj 12, odredbi koja garantuje jedna- nivou (KZ BiH), koji propisuje kazne zatvora za ko postupanje u pogledu svih zakonskih ratne zločine, genocid i zločine protiv čovječno- prava. Apelanti u ovom predmetu optužili su sti u trajanju od najmanje 10 godina (5 godi- Bosnu i Hercegovinu za sistematsko lišavanje na u slučaju postojanja posebno olakšavajućih njihovih građanskih prava, jer im je onemo- okolnosti) do najviše 45 godina. Ovaj zakon se gućeno da se kandiduju za najviša mjesta u primjenjivao u najvećem broju predmeta koje državnim organima vlasti. Prema Ustavu Bosne je rješavao Odjel za ratne zločine Suda Bosne i i Hercegovine, ta mjesta su bila predviđena za Hercegovine. Za razliku od Ustavnog suda, koji „konstitutivne narode“ koji se izjašnjavaju kao je o apelaciji Maktoufa odlučivao 2007. godine Srbi, Hrvati i Bošnjaci, a „Ostali“ među koje su te zaključio da nije došlo do povrede Evropske spadali aplikanti u ovom predmetu (kao pripad- konvencije, Evropski sud je presudom iz 2013. nici romske i jevrejske manjine) su neprihvat- godine utvrdio povredu člana 7. Evropske kon- ljivi. Evropski sud je utvrdio da Ustav Bosne i vencije zbog retroaktivne primjene prava. Hercegovine krši Evropsku konvenciju. Kasnije U predmetu Muslija protiv Bosne i Herce- su uslijedili i drugi predmeti koji su pokretali govine19 aplikant je prethodno podnio apel- slična pitanja. aciju Ustavnom sudu žaleći se da mu je suđeno Takav je i predmet Pilav protiv Bosne i Her- dva puta, te da je dva puta kažnjen za isto djelo cegovine21 koji se odnosio na pitanje kandida- u vezi s istim događajem (u krivičnom i prekrša- ture za člana Predsjedništva Bosne i Hercegovine jnom postupku). Ustavni sud je apelaciju odbio i pokretao je također pitanja po članu 1. Protokola smatrajući da iako su obje odluke donesene po- broj 12. uz Evropsku konvenciju. Ustavni sud vodom istog incidenta, djela su različita prema je 29. septembra 2006. godine utvrdio da svojoj prirodi i namjeri. Međutim, Evropski nije došlo do povrede navedene odredbe sud je utvrdio da se postupak koji je pokrenut dok je Evropski sud u presudi od 9. juna protiv aplikanta na osnovu Krivičnog zakona 2016. godine utvrdio kršenje. Odluke Ev- Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine, u suštini odno- ropskog suda u ovim predmetima još uvijek nisu sio, na isto djelo za koje je aplikant već bio pra- Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Muslija protiv BiH, 32042/11, 14.1.2014. godine, 19  Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Veliko vijeće, Sejdić i Finci protiv Bosne i Hercegovine: aplikacije br. 27996/06 i 34836/06, 20  22. decembar 2009. godine. Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Pilav protiv BiH, 41939/07, 9.6.2016. godine 21  157 izvršene, odnosno do izmjena Ustava Bosne i Her- prijedlogu odluke u većini koju čini pet cegovine još uvijek nije došlo. U jednoj od odluka sudija. Evropski sud je utvrdio povredu Ustavnog suda koja je donesena nakon usvajanja prava na pristup sudu u smislu člana 6. predmetnih odluka Evropskog suda i u fazi čekan- Evropske konvencije. Ova odluka Evrops- ja na njihovo izvršenje Ustavni sud je istakao kog suda je uticala na izmjenu Pravila Usta- da Bosna i Hercegovina, odnosno njene vnog suda prema kojima je sada predviđeno da nadležne vlasti imaju obavezu da usklade „Izuzetno, kada u plenarnoj sjednici u donošen- Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine i Izborni za- ju odluke učestvuje manje od ukupnog broja od kon već po tri presude Evropskog suda, a devet sudija, i to zbog razloga navedenih u čla- Ustavni sud, ni dalje ne može predvidjeti nu 90. stav (1) ili članu 98. ovih pravila, kao i obim tih izmjena. Ustavni sud je naročito kada nisu izabrane sve sudije, ili kada je sudija/ naglasio da nema ni ustavotvornu ni za- sudije u dužem periodu, zbog bolesti, spriječen konodavnu nadležnost, pa ne može svo- vršiti svoju funkciju, ukoliko najmanje pet sudi- jim djelovanjem zamijeniti institucije, ja ne glasa identično o prijedlogu odluke o zaht- najprije Parlamentarnu skupštinu Bosne jevu/apelaciji, u slučaju iz člana 98. odlučivanje i Hercegovine koja ima nadležnost da, u o toj odluci će se odgoditi za jednu od narednih propisanoj proceduri, mijenja Ustav Bosne i sjednica ali ne duže od šest mjeseci, a ako se Hercegovine, odnosno da zamijeni institucije koje ista situacija nakon isteka tog roka ponovi, glas imaju obavezu preduzeti odgovarajuće mjere radi predsjednika Ustavnoga suda, odnosno sudije provođenja odluka Evropskog suda u navedenim koji ga zamjenjuje, računa se dvostruko (član predmetima22. 42.5. Pravila)25 Aplikanti u predmetu Avdić i ostali pro- U jednom od predmeta kojim se bavio i Ustav- tiv Bosne i Hercegovine23 su se pred Ev- ni sud i Evropski sud apelant/aplikant kažnjen ropskim sudom žalili da im je odbijanjem us- je zbog odbijanja da skine (prema njegovom tavnih apelacija iz razloga nepostizanja većine uvjerenju) vjerski simbol (kapu) u sudni- glasova Ustavnog suda osporen pristup sudu. ci26. Za razliku od Ustavnog suda koji je sma- Naime, Ustavni sud je u „vijeću od osam trao da ograničenje u konkretnom slučaju nije sudija“ (kako to navodi Evropski sud)24 predstavljalo preveliki teret za apelanta, te da je odbio apelaciju aplikanta budući da se mjera koju je preduzeo redovni sud slijedila le- vijeće nije moglo složiti niti o jednom gitimne ciljeve, u smislu člana 9. stav 2. Evrops- Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj AP 3464/18 od 17.7.2018. godine 22  Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Avdić i ostali protiv BiH, 28357/11 31549/11 39295/11, 19.11.2013. godine 23  Zapravo, odluka je donesena na Plenarnoj sjednici na kojoj je prisustvovalo osam od ukupno devet sudija jer u tom periodu 24  jedno sudijsko mjesto nije bilo popunjeno Ranija odredba Pravila je glasila: Izuzetno, kada u plenarnoj sjednici u donošenju odluke učestvuje manje od ukupnog broja 25  od devet sudija, i to zbog razloga navedenih u članu 93. stav 1. ili članu 90. stav 6. ovih pravila, kao i kada nisu izabrane sve sudije, ili kada je sudija/sudije u dužem periodu, zbog bolesti, spriječen da vrši svoju funkciju, ukoliko najmanje pet sudija ne glasa identično o prijedlogu odluke o zahtjevu/apelaciji, smatra se da je donesena odluka kojom se zahtjev/apelacija odbija. (član 40.3. Pravila («Službeni glasnik Bosne i Hercegovine» br. 60/05, 64/08 i 51/09)) Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Hamidović protiv Bosne i Hercegovine, 57792/15, 5.12.2017. godine; Ustavni sud Bosne i Her- 26  cegovine, Odluka broj AP 3947/12, 9.7.2015. godine 158 ke konvencije, i da u konkretnom slučaju postoji uglavnom odnosili na direktnu primjenu člana razuman odnos proporcionalnosti između ogra- 8. Evropske konvencije. ničenja i legitimnog cilja kojem se teži Evropski U jednom od predmeta Ustavni sud je ista- sud je utvrdio da aplikantovo kažnjavanje zbog kao da je Vrhovni sud u osporenoj pre- nepoštivanja suda samo na osnovu njegovog sudi direktno primijenio odredbe člana odbijanja da skine kapu, nije bilo neophodno u 8. Evropske konvencije, te slijedom toga demokratskom društvu, te da su domaći organi preinačio drugostepenu presudu na način da vlasti prekoračili široko polje slobodne procjene je potvrđena prvostepena presuda u dijelu u koje im je dato. Evropski sud je utvrdio da je kojem se tužiocu priznaje pravo trajnog i došlo do povrede člana 9. Evropske konvencije. nesmetanog korištenja predmetnog sta- Zanimljiva je i najnovija odluka Evropskog suda na. Ustavni sud je naglasio da je Vrhovni sud u predmetu Kovačević protiv Bosne i Hercego- u obrazloženju osporene odluke dao detaljne i vine kojom je utvrđena povreda nekih aplikan- jasne razloge kojima se rukovodio pri izvođen- tovih prava (aktivno biračko pravo s obzirom ju zaključka da «predmetni stan» predstavl- na mjesto prebivališta i etničko ne/određenje) s ja tužiočev «dom» u smislu člana 8. Evropske obzirom da se aplikant ne izjašnjava kao pripa- konvencije, slijedom čega je i odlučio kao u izre- dnik niti jednog od tzv. „konstitutivnih naroda ci presude.29 u Bosni Hercegovini (Bošnjaci, Hrvati, Srbi)27. Primjer direktne primjene člana 8. Evropske konvencije je još jedan predmetu 4. Direktnu primjena koji se bavio pitanjem prava na „dom“. U ovom Konvencije u postupcima slučaju Vrhovni sud je u osporenoj presu- pred domaćim sudovima di direktno primijenio odredbe člana 8. Evropske konvencije umjesto odredbi Za- Ustavni sud često ukazuje da prema članu II/2. kona o vlasničkopravnim odnosima i na Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine odredbe Evropske osnovu navedenih odredbi Evropske konvencije konvencije imaju supremaciju nad ostalim preinačio presude nižestepenih sudova tako što zakonima28, dok prema članu II/6. Ustava je odbio tužbeni zahtjev apelantica da im tužena Bosne i Hercegovine svi sudovi i drugi organi preda predmetni stan u posjed. U osporenoj vlasti imaju obavezu «da primjenjuju ljudska odluci Vrhovni sud je obrazložio da se prava i osnovne slobode na koje je ukazano u predmetni stan ima smatrati tužiteljici- stavu 2.» nim „domom“ u smislu člana 8. Evrops- Ustavni sud je u nizu slučajeva ukazao kako ke konvencije jer je prema činjeničnom su redovni sudovi ispunili svoju zadaću u utvrđenju nižestepenih sudova tužiteljica u smislu navedenih odredbi. Ovi slučajevi su se predmetni stan uselila zakonito kao vanbračna Evropski sud za ljudska prava, Kovačević protiv Bosne i Hercegovine, predmet br. 43651/22 objavljeno 29.08.2023.godine 27  (u vrijeme pisanja ovoga rada nije poznato da li će biti podnesen zahtjev da o ovome predmetu odlučuje Veliko vijeće ESLJP Prema praksi odnosno stavu Ustavnog suda supremacija se odnosi na zakone ali ne i Ustav. U stručnoj i široj javnosti, među- 28  tim, ima kritičara ovakvoga stava koji smatraju da se supremacija odnosi i na Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj AP 3864/17, 27.2.2018. godine 29  159 supruga L.M – pravnog prednika apelantica i teljicinom pravu koje se nije moglo prenijeti na da je u vanbračnoj zajednici s L.M. živjela od drugu osobu i koja je preko osam godina živjela 1998. godine do njegove smrti 2005. godine i da u predmetnom stanu i još uvijek živi i koristi je u tom stanu nastavila živjeti i nakon njegove predmetni stan kao svoj dom.30 smrti i tu ostvarivati svoje osnovne stambene Vrhovni sud se na stav Ustavnog suda o domu i životne potrebe. Vrhovni sud je pri tome kao faktičkom stanju pozvao u još jednom naglasio da je dom faktičko stanje koje slučaju u kojem je također direktno pri- ne zahtijeva postojanje pravnog osno- mijenio Evropsku konvenciju. U ovom va te se u vezi s tim pozvao na Odluku slučaju Ustavni sud je naglasio da je Vrhovni Ustavnog suda broj AP 663/04 u kojoj je sud obrazložio da odluke nižestepenih sudova, Ustavni sud upravo i konstatirao da je kojima je usvojen tužbeni zahtjev apelantica „dom“ faktičko stanje koje ne zahtijeva koje su vlasnice predmetnog stana, ali ga nika- postojanje pravnog osnova. Ustavni sud da nisu koristile za stanovanje, odnosno imaju je naglasio da iz obrazloženja osporene presude svoj dom, predstavljaju miješanje u pravo tuže- Vrhovnog suda proizlazi da je Vrhovni sud ne na dom koje ne ispunjava kriterije opravda- zapravo ocijenio da je tužiteljicino pra- nosti i neophodnosti u demokratskom društvu vo na „dom“ u smislu člana 8. Evropske u skladu s nekim od ciljeva iz člana 8. stav 2. konvencije, koje je tužiteljica ostvarila Evropske konvencije jer prava apelantica, živeći u predmetnom stanu u periodu kao vlasnika stana, ne bi trebala pre- dužem od osam godina, u konkretnom vagnuti nad interesom tužene koja bi u slučaju značajnije od prava na imovinu 82. godini trebala napustiti stan s kojim apelantica iz člana II/3.k) Ustava Bosne je ostvarila dovoljno jaku vezu da bi se i Hercegovine i člana 1. Protokola broj 1 mogao smatrati njezinim domom. Usta- uz Evropsku konvenciju, koje stan nisu vni sud je zaključio da je Vrhovni sud dao jasno koristile za stanovanje, odnosno koje i argumentirano obrazloženje za svoju odluku već imaju svoj dom. Shodno navedenom, da umjesto odredaba Zakona o vlasnič- Ustavni sud je zaključio da je u konkretnom ko-pravnim odnosima u konkretnom slučaju osporena odluka donesena u skla- slučaju direktno primijeni odredbe čla- du s javnim interesom, a to je zaštita prava na 8. Evropske konvencije, za što je i sloboda drugih, odnosno u ovom slučaju tuži- imao ovlaštenje u odredbama čl. II/2. teljicinog prava na „dom“ i da je u konkretnom i II/6. Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine, kao slučaju uspostavljena pravična ravnoteža i da primjenom navedenih odredbi Evropske između zaštite prava apelantica na imovinu i konvencije preinači nižestepene presude i odbi- općeg interesa jer u ovoj situaciji na apelantice je tužbeni zahtjev apelantica za predaju u pos- nije stavljen neprimjeren teret radi ostvarivanja jed predmetnog stana.31 zakonitog cilja, pogotovo imajući u vidu činje- U kontekstu utvrđivanja da li određeni stan nicu da se u konkretnom slučaju radilo o tuži- predstavlja nečiji dom treba spomenuti i pred- Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj AP 1522/15, 17.1.2018. godine 30  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluk broj AP 1371/12, 10.11.2015. godine 31  160 met Ustavnog suda u kojem su upravni orga- važećih materijalno-pravnih propisa i Evropske ni i Kantonalni sud proveli postupak, izveli konvencije.32 dokaze i primijenili važeće materijalno-pravne propise Zakona o stambenim odnosma i Zakona 5. Mišljenja Evropske komisi- o prestanku primjene Zakona o napuštenim sta- je za demokraciju putem pra- novima, kao i da su direktno primijenili odredbe Evropske konvencije (član 8.) u smislu utvrđi- va (Venecijanska komisija) vanja da li predmetni stan predstavlja apelantov dato u svojstvu amicus curiae dom, te odbili apelantov zahtjev za povrat stana kao neosnovan. U vezi s ovim Ustavni sud je U skladu sa članom 16. stav 3. Pravila Ustavnog naglasio da su u suštini i organi uprave suda, Ustavni sud, odnosno sudija izvjestilac, i Kantonalni sud došli do zaključka da može zatražiti i od drugih organa i organizacija predmetni stan ne predstavlja apelantov stručno pisano mišljenje. Na adresu Vene- dom, s tim što su organi uprave taj zakl- cijanske komisije Ustavni sud je do sada uputio jučak temeljili na utvrđenju da apelant nekoliko ovakvih poziva. Takva mogućnost je nije faktički ušao u posjed stana, a Kan- predviđena i regulativom prema kojoj radiVe- tonalni sud je zaključio da su postojale necijanska komisija. objektivne okolnosti zbog kojih apelant Prvi put je to učinio u predmetu u kojem se predmetni stan nije mogao koristiti, ali bavio ocjenom ustavnosti Zakona o grbu i da je kod apelanta postojala objektivna zastavi Federacije BiH i Zakona o up- namjera i stav da predmetni stan koristi otrebi zastave, grba i himne Republike kao svoj dom, kao i opravdano očekivan- Srpske33. U ovom predmetu Ured Visokog je da će riješiti svoje stambeno pitanje. komesara za ljudska prava, Ured OSCE-a u Bos- Međutim, Kantonalni sud je u svojoj odluci kao ni i Hercegovini i Venecijanska komisija su, kao konačnoj u konkretnoj upravnoj stvari, polazeći amicus curiae pred Ustavnim sudom dostavili od činjeničnog utvrđenja da je apelant sa svo- svoje zajedničko mišljenje. jom suprugom riješio stambeno pitanje na način da je otkupio i postao suvlasnik drugog stana, u kojem sa svojom poro- dicom živi od 2001. godine, zaključio da U toku 2010. godine Venecijanska apelantov povratak u predmetni stan komisija je Ustavnom sudu do- nije stvaran i s namjerom da u njemu stavila mišljenje u svojstvu amicus živi budući da ima drugi dom. Ustavni curiae u predmetu ocjene ustavno- sud je zaključio da su organi uprave i Kantonal- sti Izbornog zakona BiH i Statuta ni sud uzeli u obzir apelantove navode i tvrdnje, grada Mostara34. pri čemu su u obrazloženju dali jasne razloge za svoje odluke uz pozivanje na relevantne odredbe Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj AP-3681/14, 22.3.2017. godine 32  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj U-4/04, 31.3.2006. godine 33  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj U-9/09, 26.11.2010. godine 34  161 Ustavni sud je 2012. godine odlučivao o ocjeni vladavinom prava, socijalnom pravdom, plu- ustavnosti Zakona o statusu državne imov- ralističkim društvom, garantiranjem i zaštitom ine koja se nalazi na teritoriji Republike ljudskih sloboda i prava, kao i prava manjinskih Srpske i pod zabranom je raspolaganja imajuću, grupa u skladu s međunarodnim standardima, između ostalog, u vidu i amicus curiae mišljenje zabranom diskriminacije (Preambula). Venecijanske komisije dato u ovom predmetu . 35 Venecijanska komisija je 17. oktobra 2016. U odluci od 26. novembra 2015. godine36 Us- godine dostavila Ustavnom sudu „Nacrt podnes- tavni sud je smatrao da izbor 9. januara kao ka amicus curiae za Ustavni sud o načinu izbo- datuma obilježavanja praznika Dan ra delegata u Dom naroda Parlamenta Federacije Republike Srpske nema simboliku kolektiv- Bosne i Hercegovine“ za potrebe predmeta broj nog zajedničkog sjećanja koje može doprinijeti U-23/14 o kojem je Ustavni sud donio odluku na jačanju kolektivnog identiteta kao vrijednos- sjednici održanoj 1. decembra 2016. godine. tima koje imaju poseban značaj u multietnič- Mišljenje Venecijanske komisije dato u pred- kom društvu koje se zasniva na uvažavanju i metu kojim se pokretalo pitanje ocjene ustav- poštivanju različitosti kao osnovnih vrijednosti nosti Zakona o Sudu BiH nije našlo svo- modernog demokratskog društva. U tom smis- je mjesto u konačnoj odluci Ustavnog suda u lu, kako je istakao Ustavni sud, izbor 9. januara ovom predmetu jer je u međuvremenu podnos- za obilježavanje Dana Republike kao jednog od ilac zahtjeva odustao od zahtjeva te je Ustavni praznika entiteta koji predstavlja ustavnu kat- sud donio odluku o obustavi postupka.37 egoriju i kao takav mora predstavljati i sve građane Republike Srpske kojima i sam Z a k lj u č a k Ustav Republike Srpske priznaje jednaka prava nije u skladu s ustavnom obavezom o nediskrim- inaciji u smislu prava grupa, jer uspostavlja Promocija, zaštita i efektivno ostvarenje ljud- povlašteni položaj samo jednog, srpskog skih prava i osnovnih sloboda u funkciji su naroda, čiji su predstavnici 9. januara 1992. izgradnje demokratskog društva općenito. U godine, bez učešća predstavnika Bošnjaka, Hr- tom smislu Ustavni sud ima izuzetno značajnu vata i Ostalih, donijeli Deklaraciju o proglašen- ulogu, prije svega kao institucija koja garantuje ju Republike srpskog naroda Bosne i Hercegov- zaštitu ljudskih prava i temeljnih sloboda na na- ine, kao jednostrani akt. Kao takav, prema jvišem nivou. mišljenju Ustavnog suda, te prema stavu Vene- Slijedeći praksu Evropskog suda za ljudska pra- cijanske komisije [datom u svojstvu amic- va Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine je, u ok- us curiae], ne može se smatrati saglasnim s viru nadležnosti definiranih Ustavom Bosne i osnovnim vrijednostima izjavljenim u Ustavu Hercegovine, postao institucionalni zaštitnik Republike Srpske, tj. s poštovanjem ljudskog prava i sloboda odnosno standarda iz Evropske dostojanstva, slobode i jednakosti, nacionalne konvencije o ljudskim pravima i temeljnim slo- ravnopravnosti, s demokratskim institucijama, bodama u cijeloj Bosni i Hercegovini. Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj U-1/11, 13.7.2012. godine 35  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj U-3/13 36  Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine, Odluka broj U-15/20, 13.7.2023. godine 37  162  Contribution by Mr. Atanas Semov, Judge of the Constitutional Court of Bulgaria DIALOGUE BETWEEN CONSTITUTIONAL JURISDICTIONS IS AS CRUCIAL AS WITH THE EU CONSTITUTIONAL JURISDICTION Honourable President and members of the Con- tinue in French not only to prove that there are stitutional Court of Kosovo, a lot of Francophones in the Balkans. In the Bal- kans, there are many French-speaking people. I Honourable colleagues, would like to discuss a complicated issue, which Above all I would like to congratulate you on or- is dialogue, or should I say the lack of dialogue ganizing such a good international conference between the EU constitutional jurisdiction and to celebrate the 14th anniversary of your court. national constitutional jurisdictions. I’ll be happy to welcome a lot of the colleagues Bulgaria joined the EU about 17 years ago. The present here in three days’ time in Sofia for the Bulgarian Constitutional Court was established first Forum of Balkan Constitutional Courts more than thirty years ago but has not yet ap- because we are all convinced that dialogue be- proached the Court of Justice with a request for tween constitutional courts is of great impor- a preliminary ruling. We have not had a case for tance. such a request yet. And with your permission, I’ll continue in The Constitutional Court of Bulgaria has nev- French, because French is the language of the ertheless taken another action to nourish the Court of Justice of the European Union. I’ll con- dialogue between the jurisdictions. Our court is 163 the only constitutional jurisdiction in Europe into consideration for the purposes of a consis- whose Internal Rules (art. 18, para 3) oblige the tent interpretation of the domestic norms that supreme jurisdictions to submit questions to should be applied; whether there is a conflict the Constitutional Court so as to verify whether between the national law and EU law and to the procedure pending before it falls within the disapply the implemented conflicting domestic scope of EU law and to clarify the applicable law norms. and the consequences of the applicability of EU And it is very important that immediately after law. The Constitutional Court of Bulgaria has that the Supreme Administrative Court of Bul- thus clearly stipulated that it is a prerogative of garia confirmed this formula by saying that na- ordinary jurisdictions as EU law judges. tional jurisdictions are obliged to verify wheth- If we are dealing with EU law and an interpre- er the matter falls within the scope of EU law tation is requested from the Luxembourg Court, and what the consequences are. And to do so then the jurisdiction should request it without sua sponte and without waiting for or relying on having to go through the Constitutional Court. the initiative of the parties to the case pending Of course, my 5 minutes here are too short to before it. So this is quite positive. elaborate on this topic. We tend often to forget about the consistent interpretation of all domestic norms that fall within the scope of EU law. The Bulgarian Con- stitutional Court has not yet directly addressed I have published a book about the Luxembourg Court, but it requests and the protection of national con- applies an interpretation of any domestic rule stitutional identity in EU. I see that is consistent with EU law – and with CJEU here ample room for coop- case-law. eration, for broadening dia- I am aware that rushing ahead of a lunch break logue between Constitutional is an impossible task. So I will wrap up my Courts. And also for dialogue presentation making two important points: with the Luxembourg Court. strengthening dialogue between constitutional jurisdictions, on the one hand, and, on the oth- The Constitutional Court of Bulgaria did some- er, between them and the EU jurisdiction. I am thing else in one of its decisions, as recently as convinced that the EU is a very important orga- in 2021. It ruled that any national jurisdiction nization for us all. And we should defend it lest is obliged to verify ex officio whether the case it be transformed into a federation. falls within the scope of EU law and should ver- We don’t need United States of Europe. We ify all consequences: whether there are self-ex- need States united within Europe. ecuting EU norms to be applied to the matter; Thank you. if not, what referring EU norms are to be taken 164  Contribtuion by Mr. Louis Aucoin, Foreign Advisor on Rule of Law, Constitutional Development and Transitional Justice (United States Government Advisor throughout the drafting of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo) COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES ON CONSTITUTION-MAKING: KOSOVO AND BEYOND F irst and foremost, I would like to convey heartfelt thanks to my friend and colleague Mme. President Justice Gresa Çaka for organiz- Today, I would like to offer a brief historical per- spective in order to place the process in Kosovo in historical perspective. ing this wonderful event and including me in it. During the post-colonial phase of constitu- I also share the fondest memories of our work tion-making the activity was perceived prin- together throughout 2007 and 2008 on the in- cipally as an elite affair that took place behind dependence Constitution that we are celebrat- closed doors with local and often internation- ing today. al elites dominating the process. Constitu- I also want to share with you some of my re- tion-making in this period focused exclusively flections on the Kosovo constitution-making on the task of drafting the document and in process drawing off of my own knowledge of former colonies often foreign advisors from the history of constitution-making in recent de- the former colonies wrote the text. The Direc- cades. I was the co-editor of Framing the State tor of the Constitution Commission in Eritrea in Times of Transition that included the study offered a frank assessment of this process, stat- of 19 constitutional processes of the twenti- ing: “these texts were often shoved down the eth century. The volume placed a great deal of throats of local actors who were considered by emphasis on public participation in constitu- the foreign actors as incapable of creating such tion-making processes. an important charter on their own.” This expe- 165 rience resulted in the development of enormous constitutionalism.” It is a new version of con- mistrust of foreign actors participating in such stitution making which places a great deal of an exercise. emphasis on the process of constitution making and even considers the process to be more im- I witnessed this myself in 1993 in Cambodia portant than the substance. The theory behind where I worked as a foreign advisor invited by new constitutionalism is that by involving all USAID. I tried to work with the drafting com- sectors of the society, including women and mi- mittee that the Cambodians had recently creat- norities, the ultimate text will benefit from en- ed. I worked hard to overcome their mistrust of hanced buy-in by the local population. The goal, a foreign expert and managed to assure them of course, is to establish a charter that will enjoy that I intended to act exclusively as a resource legitimacy and stability in the long run. in order to assist them in their central role as drafters. However, although the drafting com- As a result, anyone who analyzes the literature mittee came to work very collaboratively with on this topic will see that there is a sort of ideal me and other foreign advisors, almost all of our process that emerges from experts’ reflections collaborative effort was almost totally ignored on the subject. What I would like to do now is because, unbeknownst to us, King Sihanouk to provide a thumbnail sketch of this model of had hired a French law professor to draft a text constitution making and assess the way that for him. When the Constituent Assembly be- Kosovo’s process in 2007-2008 conformed to came involved, the King’s Draft became almost this emerging model. the exclusive focus of debate, ignoring the at- tempts by local NGOs, women’s groups, human A. Phased process rights groups, and others to have their say in the The good practice of constitution making that process. has emerged in the last several decades is that Interestingly in the same year, 1993, as South of providing for constitution making in phases. Africa emerged from apartheid, it chose to de- This of course is a far cry from the older and velop a new constitution in a new and innova- more stereotypical notion of constitution mak- tive way. In the beginning of the process, it to- ing as a relatively discrete event where elites tally rejected all foreign participation and drew sit around a table typically behind closed doors heavily off of the contributions and suggestions where they focus primarily on drafting. of its own citizens. In addition, it established an interim constitution that provided guidance on B. Interim Arrangements how the process of developing the final consti- As was the case in South Africa, new constitu- tution would occur. Most importantly, it estab- tionalism suggests that it is important to start lished guiding principles that would direct the with an interim arrangement that provides process and the substance of the final constitu- some guidance on the process and includes the tion. principles that should guide the process and This process inspired the world and ushered in be included in the final text. This is certainly a new era of constitution-making which the lit- a far cry from the older method. Now there is erature on the subject has referred to as “new as much or even more emphasis on the process 166 than the substance of the making of the consti- and that is what actually happened during the tution. This design is to ensure transparency process. and inclusion so that the end result will be the Justice Gresa Caka in her recent book chapter culmination of an organic process involving the on “Kosovo’s Independence Constitution” re- society at large and not just the elites. It should ferred to this phenomenon as internationalized ideally then be designed and implemented by “pouvoir constituant” indicating that while in- local actors. ternational actors and international law guided In the case of Kosovo, there were a few elements the process, it was nevertheless a process based that served to provide for interim arrangements upon the consent of the population that the fi- leading up to the development of the constitu- nal text would govern–“a constitution that was tion in the end. First, there was the Constitu- compatible with the will of the people.” tional Framework that was developed when Kosovo was under international administra- C. Phased public involvement tion. While this was developed primarily by in- Of course, the involvement of the public at large ternational actors, there was local involvement. is at the heart of new constitutionalism. More- Perhaps more importantly there was the Set- over, experience has shown that public partici- tlement Agreement spearheaded by President pation itself should ideally also be conducted in Marti Ahtisaari of Finland that was the result phases. The first phase should ideally be devot- of protracted negotiations that closely involved ed to educating the population on the constitu- local actors whose consent and approval was tional questions that will be submitted to them consistently required. for their input in a later phase. This should be done so as to improve the quality of the re- sponses to the consultations that will occur in the second phase. The guiding principles that In Kosovo, in 2008, the Constitutional Com- formed the foundation of that mission was not afforded the luxury of the time settlement and that guided the needed to separate education and consultation process were binding norms of into two discrete phases. However, the Com- international law that focused mission responded to the resulting challenge by on human rights and the pro- doubling down on the intensity of their efforts. tection of local minorities. Throughout February and March of 2008, the Commission engaged in intense efforts aimed Article 10 of the Settlement agreement required at involving and including the population. The transparency by stipulating that the public be draft of the Constitution was made widely avail- kept informed throughout the process of the de- able on their website, and they participated velopment of the constitution. While this provi- in TV and radio discussions and roundtables sion could have provided for more detail on the throughout the country. They set up a mecha- role of the general public, it was interpreted as nism for receipt of public comments and letters requiring the direct involvement of the public, through their website. Thousands of comments 167 were received and considered. I recall in this ing and on the process generally. While there connection the extraordinary effort of Mme. doesn’t seem to be a consensus on its effect President Gresa Çaka who worked tirelessly in generally, there can be no doubt that when the the final days of the process to ensure that the people see such a significant inclusion of their public input was taken into consideration. In intent and desire in the final result, there will the case of Kosovo, this exercise was highly suc- of necessity be an enhanced sense of buy-in by cessful in that 35% of the public comments were the population. Moreover, given the fact that at least partially if not totally incorporated into the people of Kosovo will always associate their the final text. constitution as the final result of their decades long struggle for independence, taken together, Conclusion these factors are very likely in my view to con- tribute to the long-term legitimacy of the Con- Since 2008 much has been written on the ef- stitution and the stability of the country overall. fect of public participation in constitution-mak- 168 169 170  Contribution by Ms. Dineke de Groot, President of the Supreme Court of the Netherlands THE CONTRIBUTION OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURTS IN PROTECTING AND STRENGTHENING FUNDAMENTAL VALUES OF DEMOCRACY, RULE OF LAW, AND FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS A PERSPECTIVE FROM BELOW SEA LEVEL TO THE ACCURSED MOUNTAINS and the people of the Republic of Kosovo on the 1. Celebrating the 14th opening of the 14th Judicial Year of the Consti- Judicial Year of Kosovo’s tutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo. In the Constitutional Court invitation, this was called a moment to reflect on 14 years of history and to welcome represen- Ms President of the Constitutional Court, Excel- tatives of fellow courts to your beloved country. lencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, The title of my contribution to Session III on Thank you for organising this interesting inter- the role of constitutional courts in protecting national conference and for the warm welcome fundamental rights and freedoms through in- and hospitality. I would like to congratulate dividual control of constitutionality of acts of you, the members of the Constitutional Court public authorities’ is: ‘A perspective from below 171 sea level to the Accursed Mountains’. Why this provisions of the ECHR before Dutch courts title? That requires some explanation. and, afterwards, filing complaints in Strasbourg against the Netherlands. In the following de- On 12 May 2022, Kosovo applied for the mem- cades, the ECHR, and its dynamic interpreta- bership of the Council of Europe. The Council of tion by the ECtHR, had more influence on na- Europe says on its website that it has been sup- tional law than initially expected. The search porting Kosovo since 1999, in full compliance engine HUDOC lists settled complaints against with the United Nations Security Council Reso- the Netherlands from the early 1960s onwards. lution 1244. On the same website, the Council of A private initiative, the Dutch Lawyers Com- Europe mentions that it supports the Constitu- mittee for Human Rights, which was founded tional Court of Kosovo in applying and dissemi- in 1974 as the Dutch section of the International nating European human rights standards. Thus, Commission of Jurists (ICJ), has grown into an the preparation of the national implementation authoritative organisation. It successfully pro- of the European Convention on Human Rights motes the professional knowledge and aware- in Kosovo is well underway. When Kosovo will ness of human rights and freedoms in the Neth- be a member of the Council of Europe, Koso- erlands. vo is expected to ratify the European Conven- tion on Human Rights (ECHR) at the earliest opportunity. The effects of the entry into force of the ECHR for Kosovo can be viewed with Nowadays, it is obvious in the confidence, as it is already common for parties Netherlands that courts, when to invoke provisions of the ECHR, and for the interpreting and applying na- Constitutional Court to consider those provi- tional law, also consider the sions when interpreting and applying national ECHR, the Protocols thereto constitutional law. The Constitutional Court and the ECtHR case-law. Na- makes its decisions available on its website in tional law must be interpret- several languages. Therefore, also the interna- ed and applied in accordance tional community is allowed to learn about this with this hermeneutical can- practice. The clear way in which the decisions on. When this is not possible, of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo deal with infringements of the ECHR the ECHR, only 14 years after this court was must be avoided, for instance founded, is in my view admirable. by disapplying a provision of The Netherlands acceded to the Convention at national legislation. This is the very beginning. The ratification took place governed by the Constitution in 1954. At that time, the impression prevailed of the Netherlands. that the ECHR would not have much impact on national law, since infringements of funda- mental rights and freedoms were deemed to As it is, both our courts, the Constitutional be almost absent in the Netherlands. However, Court of Kosovo and the Supreme Court of the parties and lawyers started early on to invoke Netherlands, are committed to interpret and 172 apply national (constitutional) law in accor- contrast to the name of these mountains, Koso- dance with the ECHR. It is no longer a moot vo shares them peacefully with Montenegro and point that courts have an important role to play Albania. I wish you will soon share the borders in protecting fundamental rights and freedoms of Kosovo with all your neighbour countries of citizens and organisations through individual peacefully. The presence today of so many rep- control mechanisms. resentatives of fellow courts expresses, in my view, that the international community of con- So, one explanation for the title of my contribu- stitutional courts recognises, appreciates and tion is that, as a birthday present, I wil provide supports the challenges of the Constitutional some insight into the impact of the ECHR in the Court of the Republic of Kosovo in promoting Netherlands. Considering that the Netherlands peaceful coexistence based on rights and free- lie for more than a quarter below sea level, it doms of all people in the Balkans. would be no surprise if today’s main concerns on the protection of human rights and freedoms relate to the impact of climate change and tech- 2. The ECHR in the nology on human rights and freedoms. This is Netherlands how it could be more and more in the future, but since the ratification of the ECHR by the Netherlands, ECtHR case-law in cases against Now, I will make some more remarks on the the Netherlands concern a lot of provisions of role of the Supreme Court of the Netherlands the ECHR and the Protocols thereto, and a lot in protecting fundamental human rights and of topics. For instance, inclusiveness, vulnera- freedoms through individual control of consti- bility of people belonging to minorities, equality tutionality of acts of public authorities. I will before the law, fair trial, respect for private and mainly address the ECHR and I will leave EU family life, freedom of expression, property, law aside. etc., were and still are actual topics in case-law In the Netherlands, the ECHR is part of con- in the Netherlands. I expect the Constitutional stitutional law. A ratified treaty like the ECHR Court of Kosovo will be dealing also with such directly effects the national legal order of the topics. There is far more comparative material Netherlands. In 1919, a judgment of the Su- below sea level than I can give you in a birthday preme Court of the Netherlands clarified that a present. But as the crow flies, there is a straight certain provision of an international treaty had line between our courts in their role to protect a double effect, i.e., between the state parties fundamental rights and freedoms on the level of and between the Dutch state and a citizen. Since the individual in society. 1953, the immediate binding effect of interna- Another explanation for the title of my contri- tional law, like the provisions of the ECHR, is bution is that I fully agree with the expression in regulated in the Constitution of the Nether- the invitation that you live in a beloved country. lands. As inhabitant of flatland, I was impressed by the With some other European countries, the Neth- beauty of Kosovo’s mountains, when I was able erlands is among those whose state structure to visit the Accursed Mountains last year. In does not include a stand-alone constitutional 173 court. Questions arising under constitutional mary role of the national courts in the main- law may be decided by the ordinary courts and in tenance and realisation of fundamental rights last instance by the supreme court. This implies and freedoms. that every judge in the Netherlands functions In other words, in the Netherlands, it is consid- both as an ordinary and a constitutional judge, ered a primary duty of national courts to ensure for instance in applying the ECHR in a case. access to justice on issues of fundamental rights Every citizen and organisation may request a and freedoms, as well as to guarantee their ef- court for individual control of constitutionality fective protection to individuals which is pro- of acts of public authorities. The Supreme Court vided by the ECHR. The judicial branch shares is a court of cassation, with constitutional tasks such duties with the legislative and the exec- as well. On the one hand, the Constitution of utive branches, although their competences the Netherlands only allows courts to examine and responsibilities differ. In the Netherlands, whether acts other than those of parliament are a rather living dialogue on the rule of law and in conformity with the Constitution, like acts of the protection of fundamental rights and free- municipalities. Whether acts of parliament are doms exists, between the branches of power consistent with the constitution is not subject to and within society. This dialogue does not guar- review by the courts, according to article 120 of antee the absence of problems, nor the timely the Constitution. On the other hand, the same identification of emerging issues. Every now Constitution obliges the legislative, executive, and then, cases are submitted to the Supreme and judicial branches of power to act in confor- Court which include both questions of law and mity with direct applicable international law. questions that are in full or in part outside the Therefore, the Supreme Court is obliged to ex- scope of interpreting and applying the law. The amine whether acts of parliament are in confor- Supreme Court has a comprehensive case-law mity with other constitutional (international) concerning its legal possibilities for answer- law, like the provisions of the ECHR, when this ing such questions. These include, first, that is at stake in a case before the court. In doing the court will examine whether a national rule so, the Supreme Court may review the consti- can be interpreted and applied in conformity tutionality of acts of public authorities through with a rule of higher order, like a provision of individual control and must provide effective the ECHR. As far as this is not possible, a rule protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. that violates a binding rule of higher order may Over the course of time, the ECHR’s underlying be disapplied or declared ineffective. A duty to principles of effectiveness and subsidiarity have provide effective legal protection may give rise increasingly come to the fore in the Nether- to examine whether a justice deficit exists. If so, lands. The focus on the workload of the ECtHR the court examines legal possibilities to provide in the context of the inclusion in the preamble recovery in a case. The Supreme Court will leave of the principles of margin of appreciation and the choice of options to the legislator when sev- subsidiarity through Protocol 15, as well as the eral solutions are conceivable and the choice for successful efforts of the ECtHR to gain more a solution partly depends on general consider- control over its workload, underlined the pri- ations of public policy or important choices of a 174 legal-political nature. Thus, the influence of the it ruled that the Netherlands offered individuals ECHR on the national legal order may also sup- to little access to court in administrative cases, port the development of national law by other was followed by an act of parliament to reorga- public authorities. nise the review system for access to justice in administrative cases.4 Several judgments of the Supreme Court of the Netherlands on the protection of funda- mental rights and freedoms through review of the constitutionality of acts of state authorities Every now and then, it happens have been challenged before the ECtHR. For that a judgment of the ECtHR example, in the case of the Foundation Clara has major impact on Dutch law Wichmann against the Netherlands and the or court practice, whether it is a Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij, which is judgment in a case against the a confessional political party, rooted in Dutch Netherlands or against another Reformed Protestantism, the Supreme Court member state. The direct effect ruled, amongst others, that this political party’s of the ECHR in the national le- rejection of the right of women to stand for elec- gal order as well as the practice tion was a violation of the fundamental right to to examine whether a national be allowed to stand for election, guaranteed by rule can be interpreted and ap- the Constitution and several treaties. The politi- plied in conformity with ECHR cal party filed a complaint against this Supreme provisions, has proven to be an Court judgment with the ECtHR. The ECtHR effective way to anticipate pos- took ‘the view that in terms of the Convention sible conflicts between a nation- the same conclusion flows naturally from Arti- al legal provision and constitu- cle 3 of Protocol No. 1 taken together with Arti- tional law like provisions of the cle 14’ and rejected the application of the politi- ECHR. cal party as manifestly ill-founded.1 In the 20th century, several cases in which the ECtHR upheld a complaint against the Neth- Thus, the role of the Supreme Court of the erlands gave rise to changes in the law. This Netherlands in protecting fundamental rights happened for instance in the cases of Engel and and freedoms through individual control of Winterwerp against the Netherlands about the constitutionality of acts of public authorities procedural safeguards of articles 5 and 6 of the might be called an attentive role, to the extent ECHR during disciplinary military detention2 that both the effective protection of human and during forced admission to a psychiatric rights and freedoms must be safeguarded and hospital3. A judgment of the ECtHR in which well-founded complaints should be avoided Judgment of 10 July 2012 of the European Court of Human Rights, Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij v. The Netherlands, 1 58369/10, paragraph 77. Judgment of 8 June 1976, Engel v. the Netherlands, 5370/72. 2 Judgment of 24 October 1979, Winterwerp v. the Netherlands, 6301/73. 3 Judgment of 23 October 1985, Benthem v. the Netherlands, 8848/80. 4 175 when predictable. The case-law of the ECtHR is in prison, which new policy respected article 3 carefully studied when dealing with court cases. of the ECHR according to the following judg- Within the Supreme Court, the information on ment of the Supreme Court and was therefore the website of the ECtHR is widely used. For in- held acceptable. Another example is about the stance, the case-law guides on various articles right to challenge a judge and the possibilities of the ECHR enable the court to consider best of a court to encounter the abuse of this right.7 practices and to further striking balances in the Here, the Supreme Court applied the ECtHR effective protection of fundamental rights and judgment in the case of Micallef/Malta8 to give freedoms. As an example of this anticipating guidance to first instance and appeal courts. approach, I mention that several limitations of access to justice in tax cases were removed by the Supreme Court, based on judgments of 3. Closure the ECtHR against other member states5. After- wards, these judgments of the Supreme Court This contribution intended to provide some were codified by national legislation. Many other insight in the way the Supreme Court of the examples could be provided, of which I mention Netherlands deals with its role in protecting a judgment of the Supreme Court about lifelong fundamental rights and freedoms through in- prison sentences. The policy of the government dividual control of constitutionality of acts of in granting pardons was very restrictive, before public authorities. I wish the Constitutional the Supreme Court decided6 that this practice Court of Kosovo all the best for the years ahead, was contrary to article 3 of the ECHR, as inter- and especially a both prudent and courageous preted by the ECtHR. This judgment has stimu- constitutional role in the maintenance and re- lated the Dutch government to change its policy alisation of fundamental rights and freedoms of and to create a review possibility after 25 years the people of Kosovo. Judgment of 21 February 1984 of the European Court of Human Rights, Öztürk vs. Germany, 8544/79; Judgment of 23 No- 5 vember 2006 of the European Court of Human Rights, Jussila vs. Finland, 73053/01. Judgment of 5 July 2016 of the Supreme Court of the Netherlands, ECLI:NL:HR:2016:1325; Judgment of 19 December 2017 6 of the Supreme Court of the Netherlands, ECLI:NL:HR:2017:3185. Judgment of 25 September 2018 of the Supreme Court of the Netherlands, ECLI:NL:HR:2018:1770. 7 Judgment of 15 October 2009 of the European Court of Human Rights, Micallef v. Malta, 17056/06. 8 176  Contribution by Mr. Villu Kõve, President of the Supreme Court of Estonia LIMITED POSSIBILITIES FOR INDIVIDUAL CONSTITUTIONAL CONTROL IN ESTONIAN CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW SYSTEM Dear Colleagues, About the Estonian Firstly, I would like to sincerely thank and con- constitutional review system gratulate the Constitutional Court of the Repub- in general lic of Kosovo on the occasion of the 14th Judicial Year and for organizing such an outstanding To begin with, I would like to point out that, un- event. It is an honour to participate in the Inter- like many European countries, Estonia does not national Conference dedicated to constitutional have a separate Constitutional Court. According jurisprudence and share knowledge with many to the Constitution1, the Supreme Court also esteemed colleagues around the world. serves as the court for constitutional review. I would like to give a brief overview of the con- While the model of a single higher court is used stitutional review system of Estonia, with a fo- in other countries as well, the Estonian Supreme cus on specific norm control proceedings. Court has its clear peculiarities in this regard. This is evident, among other things, in the fact that constitutional review by the highest court in Estonia has not developed through judicial prac- The Constitution of the Republic of Estonia. – Available at: https://www.riigiteataja.ee/en/eli/530122020003/consolide. 1 177 tice but rather constitutes a direct role assigned the Administrative, Criminal and Civil Cham- to the Supreme Court by the constitution. This bers within the Constitutional Review Chamber. role includes the inherent authority to declare an The Constitutional Review Chamber usually re- unconstitutional provision void, essentially act- views cases with a composition of the panel of five ing as a kind of negative legislator. Compared to members. In the most fundamental questions, for the usual jurisdiction of the constitutional courts, example, if the matter concerns essential consti- there is no legalised form of individual complaint tutional issues or if other Chambers have reason in Estonia, i.e. the right of everyone to appeal di- to believe that a legislative act or refusal to issue rectly to the constitutional court in case of vio- it, which is relevant to the adjudication of the case lation of their constitutional rights. In Estonia, is not in conformity with the Constitution – the this can only be done through the lower courts, if case might be referred to the Supreme Court en they accept the application for constitutional re- banc. Consequently, it can be said that, to some view. Still, in limited cases, the Supreme Court´s extent, all justices of the Supreme Court also serve case-law recognises the individual complaint. as constitutional justices. Furthermore, there is no right for the parliamen- The Supreme Court verifies the conformity of a tary minority to seek constitutional review of legislative act with the Constitution on the basis decisions or laws adopted by the parliamentary of a reasoned request, court judgment or court majority. Nor do we have an established right to ruling. According to the Constitutional Review conduct impeachment proceedings against se- Procedure Act2 the petitions may be submit- nior public officials. The jurisdiction of the Su- ted to the Supreme Court by the President of preme Court is limited to determining whether the Republic, Chancellor of Justice, local gov- higher officials are permanently incapacitated to ernment councils and Parliament. Individuals perform their duties. may approach the Supreme Court regarding In the Supreme Court, there is a special Con- constitutional review only in very limited cases: stitutional Review Chamber which is chaired ex filing a complaint against the resolutions of the officio by the Chief Justice. Other eight mem- Parliament and the Board of the Parliament and bers of the Chamber are elected by the Supreme the decisions of the President of the Republic, Court en banc (General Assembly), on the pro- and a complaint or a protest against the deci- posal of the Chief Justice. The members of the sions and acts of electoral committees. Constitutional Review Chamber are elected The Constitutional Review Chamber hears the from among the members of the Civil, Criminal following matters: and Administrative Law Chambers. Every year, on the proposal of the Chief Justice, the Su- • requests to review the constitutionality of an preme Court en banc releases two most senior international treaty, a legislative act or the members and appoints two new members to failure to provide it; the Constitutional Review Chamber, taking into • appeals and protests against the activities of account the opinion of and bearing in mind, as the organizer of elections or the decisions and much as possible, the equal representation of actions of the election committee; Constitutional Review Procedure Act. – Available at: https://www.riigiteataja.ee/en/eli/512122019006/consolide. 2 178 • complaints against the decisions of the Presi- lated, as well as the obligation of the state to es- dent of the Republic or the resolutions of the tablish for the protection of fundamental rights Board of the Parliament; proper judicial procedures, which are fair and ensure effective protection of persons’4. There- • requests for a position on how to interpret the fore, the Supreme Court has acknowledged an Constitution in conjunction with European individual´s possibility to directly address the Union law; Supreme Court if the person has no other ef- • requests to terminate the mandate of a mem- fective remedy to protect their rights. However, ber of the Parliament or the activities of a po- in practice, there has been only one individual litical party. complaint that has been reviewed. Specific norm control in the In addition, the Constitution- constitutional review system al Review Chamber decides to either consent to the Chair- The protection of individuals against viola- man of the Parliament, acting tions of rights and freedoms stipulated by gen- as President of the Republic, eral legal acts in Estonia is organized through being able to declare extraor- a specific norm control model. It concerns the dinary elections to the Parlia- legal norms applicable in criminal, civil, or ad- ment or granting him on her ministrative matters. The Constitution grants the power to refuse from pro- all courts the right to refrain from applying an mulgating laws. unconstitutional legal act. Simultaneously, this entails the obligation for each court to inde- pendently assess the constitutionality of appli- As previously mentioned, the law does not ex- cable legal norms. The question of constitution- pressly provide for a possibility to submit an ality of a law may also be raised by a party to the individual complaints for the review of con- proceedings. In practice, the subject of specific stitutionality of legislative act. However, the norm control is the relevant part of a legislative Supreme Court en banc has held that the Su- act, one or more provisions. preme Court can only refuse to hear a person’s complaint if the person can avail itself of some The precondition for refraining from applying other effective remedy for the exercise of the a law and initiating specific norm control is the judicial protection guaranteed by section 15 of competent court´s conviction in the course of the Constitution3. The right to judicial protec- deciding the case that the relevant legal norm tion, established in the Constitution, embraces or its absence is unconstitutional. For this pur- the right of a person to submit an action with a pose, the court must ascertain the factually sig- court if his or her rights and freedoms are vio- nificant circumstances essential for resolving the Supreme Court en banc judgment of 17 March 2003 in case No 3-1-3-10-02. – Available at: https://www.riigikohus.ee/en/ 3 constitutional-judgment-3-1-3-10-02. Supreme Court Constitutional Review Chamber judgment of 5 February 2008 in case No 3-4-1-1-08. – Available at: https:// 4 www.riigikohus.ee/en/constitutional-judgment-3-4-1-1-08. 179 case. The court cannot refrain from applying a complex) of which is the relevance of the legal law based on a mere thought. Furthermore, the norm. Its purpose is to prevent overburdening court is not allowed to seek a preliminary ruling the Supreme Court with abstract disputes. Over on constitutionality. It must decide upon the case time, the Supreme Court has applied the rele- and, by doing so, not apply the unconstitutional vance criterion sometimes narrowly and some- provision. Non-application does not render the times in a more broad manner. According to relevant provision invalid, only the legal conse- the classical formulation, a relevant provision is quence of the norm in a particular case is not one that is decisive for the outcome of the case, applied. The competence for the binding deter- and in the event of its non-compliance with the mination of unconstitutionality lies solely with Constitution, the court should decide the case the Supreme Court. In initiating constitutional differently than in compliance with the Consti- review concerning the omission to adopt a leg- tution5. In order to meet the condition of rele- islative act, the court must identify a specific and vance, a rule must generally affect the operative relevant legal or regulatory gap and determine part of the judgment. For example, a procedural significant circumstances that, in the court’s as- norm is particularly relevant if it impedes the sessment, require missing legal regulation. substantive resolution of the submitted claim or the actual exercise of procedural rights. The constitutional review proceedings will be initiated by transmitting the relevant judgment While evaluating the relevance criteria, the Su- or court ruling to the Supreme Court. In the preme Court is not bound by the arguments of event of the rejection of a request for review, the the court that submitted the application. Be- parties to the proceedings have the possibility sides, the Supreme Court may deem irrelevant to appeal against the decision of the county, ad- the norm or part of the norm that is the sub- ministrative or circuit court – this is ensured by ject of the application or consider additional a special rule on the time limit for appeal. norms indicated in the application related to the norm. The Supreme Court has the compe- tence to interpret the set-aside norm correctly, which includes also interpretation in confor- It is important to point out, mity with the Constitution. In the case of var- that, whereas the Supreme ious interpretation possibilities, interpretations Court decides whether to grant consistent with the Constitution should be pre- leave for appeal in regular cas- ferred over those that are not, and preference sation cases, all constitution- should be given to interpretations that ensure al review matters have to be the greatest protection of constitutional values. heard by the Court. The Supreme Court has no basis to declare a norm void on grounds of unconstitutionality if the norm can be interpreted in a constitutional There are, however, some criteria for dismiss- manner. ing the case, the most important (and also most Supreme Court en banc judgment of 22 December 2000 in case No 3-4-1-10-00. – Available at: https://www.riigikohus.ee/ 5 en/constitutional-judgment-3-4-1-10-00. 180 While resolving the matter, the Supreme Court portionality test. Proportionality will be as- cannot deal with the questions which arise from sessed for most infringements of fundamental the main legal dispute, but only the questions rights, in particular the freedom rights. For this of constitutionality, unless the case has been purpose, the court shall determine in detail the referred by one of the Supreme Court´s Cham- legitimacy of the infringement´s purpose and bers – in this case the Supreme Court en banc the appropriateness, necessity and moderation will resolve it with respect to all issues that are of the infringement6. In its assessment of pro- relevant to the case. portionality, the Supreme Court is not bound by the legal views of any party involved in the proceedings, including the legislature, and does not have to presume the correctness of the leg- As the primary goal of specif- islator´s assessments. However, the Supreme ic norm control is protecting Court may not interfere with the legislature´s the fundamental rights of the discretion, meaning it should not make policy parties to the proceedings, the choices itself when multiple solutions are con- Supreme Court evaluates the stitutional because of the discretion. conformity of the norm with the If the request for specific norm control is justi- Constitution based initially on fied, the Supreme Court shall declare the legis- the circumstances of the main lative act or part of it unconstitutional and in- court case, checking whether valid, or in the case of an omission to adopt a the fundamental rights of the legislative or regulatory instrument, declare it specific party has been propor- to be contrary to the Constitution. The effects of tionately restricted. the judgments of the Supreme Court on ques- tions of constitutionality are final and binding The outcome of resolving the specific norm con- for all courts and national authorities, as well as trol request largely depends on the intensity of for all individuals and legal persons. Therefore, the review. The intensity of control indicates a legislative act that has been declared invalid the extent of doubts that the Supreme Court ceases to exist as a legal act, and it no longer must overcome to establish the material con- creates any rights or obligations for anyone. stitutionality of the legal norm. This, in turn, Finally, and with regard to the individuals´ right varies depending on the relevant fundamental to initiate constitutional review proceedings, I right, the intensity of its infringement, the life would like to say a few words about the institu- area regulated by the legal act, and other con- tion of the Chancellor of Justice, who plays an textual factors. Based on case law, three main important role in the system of constitutional levels of review intensity can be identified. In review of laws. The Chancellor of Justice is a practice, the test of reasonableness prevails, rather unique constitutional institution that is which typically is applied as a three-step pro- independent and does not belong to the legis- See, for example, Supreme Court Constitutional Review Chamber judgment of 6 March 2002 in case No 3-4-11-02. – Available 6 at: https://www.riigikohus.ee/en/constitutional-judgment-3-4-1-1-02. 181 lature, judiciary, or executive branches. Tasked government conflicts with the Constitution or with reviewing the legislation of the legislative a law, the Chancellor proposes to the relevant and executive powers, as well as municipalities, body to bring the legislation into conformity for conformity with the Constitution and laws, with the Constitution or the law within twenty the Chancellor of Justice also serves as an Om- days. If the legislation is not adjusted within budsman. this period, the Chancellor of Justice proposes to the Supreme Court to declare the legislation According to the law7, everyone has the right of invalid. Therefore, in a way, the possibility of recourse to the Chancellor of Justice to review submitting an individual complaint is essential- the conformity of a law or other act of general ly ensured through the Chancellor of Justice as application with the Constitution or the law. If well. the Chancellor of Justice finds that legislation passed by the legislature, executive, or a local Thank you for your attention! Chancellor of Justice Act. – Available at: https://www.riigiteataja.ee/en/eli/ee/507042016001/consolide/current. 7 182  Contribution by Mr. Tomas Davulis, Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania IMPACT OF THE CASE LAW OF THE CJEU ON THE JURISPRUDENCE OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA European Union law (hereinafter also referred Introduction to as EU law) in the legal system of the Repub- lic of Lithuania. The cases of the Constitutional In the Member States of the European Union, Court will be presented and analysed to demon- the supranational legal system that these states strate the significance of EU law and the case have adhered to has become a significant factor law of the CJEU and the General Court of the in the development of the national legal order. EU, the status of the said law in the Lithuanian The present contribution aims to analyse the legal system and its interpretation in the juris- impact of the case law of the Court of Justice of prudence of the Constitutional Court. the European Union (hereinafter referred to as the CJEU) on the jurisprudence of the Constitu- I. The model of constitutional tional Court of the Republic of Lithuania (here- review in Lithuania inafter also referred to as the Constitutional Court of Lithuania or the Constitutional Court). The Constitutional Court of Lithuania has been After a short overview of the competence of the actively involved in the field of human rights pro- Constitutional Court, the author presents the tection and the rule of law since its very establish- status of and the constitutional foundations for ment in 1993. So, it is already 30 years that it has 183 adjudicated on the constitutionality of laws and the national constitutional principles and the other legal acts (including in the sphere of human constitutional provisions governing the status rights) adopted by the Parliament, as well as on and place of international and supranational le- the constitutionality of acts adopted by the Pres- gal sources in the Lithuanian legal system. ident of the Republic or the Government. The questions of constitutionality may be initiated by II. The status of European petitions of the whole Parliament or a group of not Union law in the Lithuanian less than 1/5 of all the members of the Parliament, legal system or the President of the Republic or the Govern- ment. In addition, the questions of constitution- In the case law of the Constitutional Court of ality can reach the Constitutional Court through Lithuania, the Constitution is seen as an in- petitions from other Lithuanian courts in cases tegral and coherent system of constitutional where they have doubts about the constitutionali- values. The principle of the supremacy of the ty of legal acts that should be applied in a concrete Constitution is enshrined in Article 7(1) of the case. Finally, the Constitutional Court presents Constitution, providing that “any law or other conclusions on whether the international treaties act that contradicts the Constitution shall be of the Republic of Lithuania are in conflict with invalid”. This fundamental provision cannot the Constitution.1 be interpreted in isolation from other consti- The model of constitutional review in Lithua- tutional values, including the constitutional nia was supplemented with the institution of duty of the State of Lithuania to fulfil its inter- individual constitutional complaints only four national obligations in good faith. According years ago, after the entry into force of the re- to Article 135(1) of the Constitution, which es- spective amendments to the Constitution of the tablishes that “… in implementing its foreign Republic of Lithuania (hereinafter also referred policy, the Republic of Lithuania follows the to as the Constitution or the Lithuanian Consti- universally recognised principles and norms of tution) on 1 September 2019. Thus, certain in- international law …”, this principle means the sights can also be provided into the experience imperative to fulfil, in good faith, the interna- of the Constitutional Court of Lithuania gained tional obligations assumed by the Republic of over these four years. Lithuania under international law, inter alia, international treaties.2 In this context, it is An analysis of the impact of EU law, as inter- important to mention that the adherence of the preted by the CJEU, and the significance of the State of Lithuania to the universally recognised case law of the CJEU for the jurisprudence of the principles of international law was declared al- Constitutional Court of Lithuania first requires ready in the Act on the Restoration of the Inde- the exploration of such important elements as The Constitutional Court has so far adopted only one conclusion, i.e. the conclusion of 24 January 1995, in which it was stated 1 that certain provisions of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and of its Fourth Protocol are in compliance with the Constitution. In addition, by its decision passed on 12 October 2023, the Constitutional Court accepted for consideration the petition submitted by the Seimas (the Parliament) of the Republic of Lithuania on the compatibility of the provisions of the Istanbul Convention with the Constitution. See, among others, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 24 January 2014. 2 184 pendent State of Lithuania, which was adopted their constitutional procedures. Further, the re- by the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lith- lationship between the Lithuanian Constitution uania on 11 March 1990. Thus, in the opinion and EU law is determined, specifically, by the of the Constitutional Court, the observance of Constitutional Act on Membership of the Re- international obligations undertaken by the Re- public of Lithuania in the European Union.6 public of Lithuania on its own free will and re- This act is a constituent part of the Constitution. spect for the universally recognised principles When interpreting the provisions of that consti- of international law (as well as the principle of tutional act, the Constitutional Court has held pacta sunt servanda) are a legal tradition and that “full participation by the Republic of Lithu- a constitutional principle of the restored inde- ania, as a Member State, in the EU is a constitu- pendent State of Lithuania.3 tional imperative based on the expression of the sovereign will of the People; full membership by the Republic of Lithuania in the EU is a con- stitutional value”.7 Under Paragraph 2 of the The status of international law said constitutional act, the norms of EU law are in the domestic legal order is a constituent part of the legal system of Lithua- further defined by Article 138(3) nia. In this paragraph, the Constitution also es- of the Constitution. The provi- tablishes expressis verbis the collision rule con- sion playing an important role cerning EU law, consolidating the priority of the states that international trea- application of EU legislative acts in cases where ties ratified by the Seimas (the the provisions of EU law arising from the found- Parliament) of the Republic of ing Treaties of the European Union compete Lithuania shall be a constituent with the legal regulation established in Lithu- part of the legal system of the anian national legal acts. Moreover, as Egidijus Republic of Lithuania.4 Jarašiūnas, a former judge of the Constitutional Court, has pointed out, the recognition of the Lithuania acceded to the EU by signing and full membership of the Republic of Lithuania in subsequently ratifying the Treaty of Accession the EU as a constitutional value, which should to the European Union.5 The Accession Treaty be counterbalanced with other values protected is a classic international treaty, signed and sub- by the Constitution, means that solutions must sequently approved or ratified accordingly by be found to ensure that none of such values will all the contracting states – the Member States be denied or unreasonably restricted.8 of the European Union – in accordance with The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 14 March 2006. 3 The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 9 December 1998. 4 Official Journal L 236, 23/09/2003, pp. 0017–0930. 5 The official gazette Valstybės žinios, 17/07/2004, No 111-4123. Available (in English) at https://lrkt.lt/en/about-the-court/ 6 legal-information/the-constitution/192, accessed 1 December 2023. The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 24 January 2014. 7 Jarašiūnas, E., “Lietuvos Respublikos visateisė narystė Europos Sąjungoje kaip konstitucinė vertybė” [“Full Membership of 8 the Republic of Lithuania in the European Union as a Constitutional Value”], Jurisprudencija, No 2018, 25(1), p. 35. 185 In interpreting those provisions in its jurispru- protected universal democratic constitutional dence, the Constitutional Court has set the clear values that are shared by other European (and limits on the implementation of this collision North American) states.10 rule. Thus, in the ruling of the Constitutional In addition, under the Constitution, as long as Court of 14 March 2006, it was held that “the the aforesaid constitutional grounds for mem- Constitution consolidates not only the principle bership of the Republic of Lithuania in the Euro- that, in cases where national legal acts establish pean Union, which are consolidated in the Con- such a legal regulation that competes with a le- stitutional Act on Membership of the Republic gal regulation established in an international of Lithuania in the European Union, have not treaty, the international treaty must be applied, been annulled by referendum, any amendments but it also establishes expressis verbis the col- to the Constitution that would deny the obliga- lision rule concerning EU law, entrenching the tions of the Republic of Lithuania arising from priority of the application of EU legislative acts its membership in the European Union are not in cases where the provisions of EU law arising permitted. This statement with regard to Euro- from the founding Treaties of the European pean Union membership was developed by the Union compete with the legal regulation estab- Constitutional Court in its official doctrine re- lished in Lithuanian national legal acts (regard- lated to the limitations on the alteration of the less of their legal force), with the exception of Constitution.11 the Constitution itself.” 9 However, as regards membership in the EU and the obligations arising therefrom and the rela- III. The case law of the CJEU tionship between EU law and the provisions of and the Constitutional Court the national Constitution, one more particular- of Lithuania ly important constitutional principle – the prin- ciple of the geopolitical orientation of the State The significance of the case aw of the CJEU for of Lithuania – should be noted. It is developed the Lithuanian legal system is also sufficiently by the Constitutional Court in its jurisprudence clearly defined in the constitutional jurispru- and implies membership of the Republic of dence. The Constitutional Court has noted that Lithuania in the European Union (and NATO) the jurisprudence of the CJEU, as a source of and the necessity to fulfil the respective inter- the interpretation of law, is also important for national obligations related to this member- the interpretation and application of Lithuanian ship. Such geopolitical orientation of the State law.12 In the decision of 20 December 2017, it of Lithuania is based on the recognised and was concluded by the Constitutional Court that 9 The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 14 March 2006. 10  The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 7 July 2011. See also Jočienė, D., “From National Constitutional Identity to European Integration: the Relationship between the National Constitution and European Union Law”, available at https://lrkt.lt/data/public/uploads/2022/09/rapport_jociene_en.pdf, accessed 1 December 2023. 11  The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 24 January 2014. 12  The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the rulings, inter alia, of 27 March 2009, 21 June 2011 and 22 Decem- ber 2011. 186 EU law is a source of the interpretation of law of ered at a procedural sitting of the Constitutional the Republic of Lithuania, inter alia, the Consti- Court concerning the preparation of a case for a tution, in the areas where (under Article 1 of the judicial hearing can be the adoption of the deci- Constitutional Act of the Republic of Lithuania sion to apply to the CJEU and request a prelim- on Membership of the Republic of Lithuania in inary ruling on questions relating to the inter- the European Union) the Republic of Lithuania pretation or validity of the legal acts of the EU. shares with or confers on the European Union If the Constitutional Court decides to apply to the competences of its state institutions.13 The the CJEU and request a preliminary ruling on decision of 20 December 2017 is of particu- questions relating to the interpretation or valid- lar importance, because, for the first time, the ity of the legal acts of the EU, under Article 48 Court expressed the need to take into account of the Law on the Constitutional Court, this EU law when interpreting the Constitution constitutes grounds for suspending the consid- and formulating the official constitutional doc- eration of the case. trine. This decision comprises one of the two 14 The first reference to the CJEU was made references to the CJEU for a preliminary ruling by the decision of the Constitutional Court made by the Constitutional Court in the history of 8 May 2007, adopted in the constitution- of its activity (on its own initiative, without the al justice case in which the disputed question parties raising doubts concerning the meaning concerned connection to electricity networks. of the provisions of EU law). In that case, the Constitutional Court was re- In seeking to clarify the true meaning of the quested to assess the constitutionality of the provisions of EU law, the Constitutional Court provision of Article 20 of the law implement- used these references in situations where the ing Directive 2003/54/EC of the EU concern- provisions of EU law were relevant in decid- ing common rules for the internal market in ing constitutional justice cases. Such a possi- electricity and repealing Directive 96/92/EC. bility stems from the EU Treaties and it is also At that time, the Constitutional Court decid- enshrined in the provisions of the Law on the ed that the impugned provision of the Law on Constitutional Court. Electricity must be interpreted in the context of the legal regulation of the directive; therefore, it referred to the CJEU in order to clarify both a) The Constitutional Court’s references the meaning of the provisions of the directive to the CJEU and the limits of the application of the princi- Article 28 of the Law on the Constitutional ple of subsidiarity, which allows the particular Court provides that one of the issues consid- issues to be resolved by the state itself. It was 13  This was repeated in the rulings of 6 January 2020 and 7 June 2023. 14 The decision of 20 December 2017 and the ruling of 11 January 2019 of the Constitutional Court sparked the debate as to what extent EU law should be treated as a source for interpreting the Constitution. It is argued that the newly formulated constitutional doctrine has expanded the scope of the operation of EU law and the limits of interaction between the two sys- tems should be developed. See Birmontienė, T., “Konstitucinė teisė ir tarptautinė bei Europos sąjungos teisė: kas diktuoja teisės sistemų sąveikos ribas?” [“Constitutional Law and International and European Union Law: Who Dictates the Limits of the Interaction between the Legal Systems”] in XXI amžiaus iššūkiai tarptautinei teisei. Liber Amicorum Sauliui Katuokai, Vilnius: MRU, 2020, pp. 92–95. 187 only after receiving the ruling of the CJEU that b) The case law of the CJEU in the the Constitutional Court decided that the im- jurisprudence of the Constitutional pugned legal regulation was not in conflict with Court the Constitution. 15 Concerning the significance of EU law and the The second reference to the CJEU was made case law of the CJEU explaining EU law, the in 2017 in the constitutional justice case on the ruling of 11 January 2019 could also be singled regulation governing trade in raw milk.16 The out. In that case, the Constitutional Court de- Constitutional Court referred to the CJEU re- cided on issuing a temporary residence permit questing an interpretation of the content of in Lithuania to a foreign national in the event of Article 148 of Regulation No 1308/2013, which family reunification; the question was raised in regulates freedom of contractual relations in relation to a family formed on the basis of mar- the milk and milk products sector. In that con- riage with a person of the same sex in a foreign stitutional justice case, the petitioner impugned state (Denmark).18 the provisions of the law that had imposed re- The Constitutional Court reiterated that full strictions on the contracting parties to agree on membership by the Republic of Lithuania in the factors for the purchase price of raw milk oth- EU is a constitutional value; the constitutional er than those provided for in the law and the imperative of full participation by the Republic prohibition to reduce the price by more than of Lithuania in the EU also implies the consti- 3 percentage points without the permission of tutional obligation of the Republic of Lithuania the state institution. to properly implement the requirements of EU Having held that EU law is also a source of the law; EU law is a source of the interpretation of interpretation of the Constitution (in certain ar- the law of the Republic of Lithuania, inter alia, eas), the Constitutional Court stated that there the Constitution, in those areas in which, under is no constitutional basis for interpreting the Article 1 of the Constitutional Act on Member- Constitution in those areas differently from the ship of the Republic of Lithuania in the Euro- way those areas are regulated under EU law (at pean Union, the Republic of Lithuania shares least for now). Only after receiving the ruling with or confers on the EU the competences of of the CJEU, the Constitutional Court decided its state institutions. that, inter alia, the impugned legal regulation Specifically, in that ruling, taking into account, governing trade in milk, in terms of its adop- among others, the obligations arising from EU tion procedure, was in conflict with the Consti- law and international law, the constitutional tution.17 concept of the family was interpreted as neutral in terms of gender and creating the precondi- tions for ensuring, among others, the free move- ment of persons on the basis of family reunifica- 15  The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 4 December 2008. 16  The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the decision of 20 December 2017. 17  The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 6 February 2020. 18 The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 11 January 2019. 188 tion, as required by EU law and by the European treats registered partnerships as equivalent to Convention on Human Rights, which operates marriage), in refusing reunification to a family within the framework of the Council of Europe founded by an EU citizen (among others, a cit- (this Convention is also considered a source of izen of that Member State) having made use of the interpretation of the Constitution, i.e. the the right to freedom of movement and a same- jurisprudence of the European Court of Human sex third-country national, who have lawfully Rights is also important for the interpretation concluded a marriage (or a registered partner- and application of Lithuanian law19).20 ship) in another Member State. The Constitutional Court emphasised that the In that ruling, the Constitutional Court relied constitutional provisions related to the free on, among others, the provisions of the Treaty movement of EU citizens within the EU should on European Union and the Treaty on the Func- also be interpreted in the light of the respective tioning of the European Union, the Charter of EU legal provisions. It was held in the ruling Fundamental Rights of the European Union, as that, in order to ensure the free movement of well as the provisions of Directive 2004/38/EC persons in accordance with EU law, it is es- of the European Parliament and of the Council sential to respect the private and family life of of 29 April 2004 on the right of citizens of the EU citizens and pay regard to the prohibition Union and their family members to move and of any discrimination, including on the grounds reside freely within the territory of the Member of gender and sexual orientation; the Member States amending Regulation (EEC) No 1612/68 States must take account of a marriage or reg- and repealing [other] Directives.21 istered partnership (if the legislation of the host The Constitutional Court also relied on the rel- Member State treats registered partnerships evant jurisprudence of the CJEU on the inter- as equivalent to marriage) lawfully concluded pretation of the regulation of the civil status of between same-sex persons in another Member individuals, as well as on the interpretation of State, to the extent necessary to ensure the exer- the legislation (inter alia, the above-mentioned cise of the rights that these persons enjoy under Directive) governing the right to move and re- EU law, among others, the right to move and re- side freely within the territory of the Member side freely in the territory of the Member States; States, in particular, the case of the CJEU of Co- a Member State cannot rely on the reservation man and Others of 2018 at the request of the of public order, including on the grounds that Romanian Constitutional Court.22 The Con- the law of that Member State does not provide stitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania for marriage between persons of the same sex took into account the term “spouse” used in the (registered partnership between persons of the above-mentioned Directive, which refers to a same sex if the legislation of the Member State person joined to another person by the bonds Inter alia, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the rulings of 11 January 2019 and 18 April 2019. 19  Jočienė, D., “From National Constitutional Identity to European Integration: Relationship between the National Constitution 20  and European Union Law”, https://lrkt.lt/data/public/uploads/2022/09/rapport_jociene_en.pdf. Directives 64/221/EEC, 68/360/EEC, 72/194/EEC, 73/148/EEC, 75/34/EEC, 75/35/EEC, 90/364/EEC, 90/365/EEC and 21  93/96/EEC. The Court of Justice of the European Union, the judgment of 5 June 2018, Coman and Others, C-673/16. 22  189 of marriage; according to the above-mentioned from the Constitution, Article 1 of the Con- judgment of Coman and Others, this term with- stitutional Act on Membership of the Republic in the meaning of the Directive is gender-neu- of Lithuania in the European Union, as well as tral and may, therefore, cover the same-sex from the constitutional principle of a state un- spouse of the EU citizen concerned.23 der the rule of law and the constitutional im- perative of full participation by the Republic of Thus, also in light of these considerations, the Lithuania in the EU. Constitutional Court recognised that the dis- puted provision of the Law on the Legal Status of Aliens, under which a temporary residence permit in Lithuania may be issued to a foreign A few other examples of cases national in the event of family reunification reflecting the most significant when the foreign national’s spouse or the per- impact of EU law and the case son with whom a registered partnership has law of the CJEU were also de- been concluded is a citizen of the Republic of cided by the Constitutional Lithuania residing in Lithuania or a foreign na- Court this year. tional holding a residence permit in Lithuania and residing in Lithuania, was not in conflict with the Constitution. By its ruling of 7 June 2023, the Constitutional According to the Constitutional Court, there Court recognised that the provisions of the Law are no grounds for holding that, under on the Legal Status of Aliens according to which, the impugned provision of the Law on the in the event of a mass influx of aliens during Legal Status of Aliens, in the event of fam- a declared extraordinary situation, a state of ily reunification, a temporary residence emergency, or a state of war, all asylum seek- permit in Lithuania may be refused to ers were obliged to be accommodated in desig- a foreign national who is not a citizen of an nated places without being granted the right to EU Member State or the European Free Trade move freely within the territory of the Republic Association in cases where such a foreign of Lithuania, where the duration of such accom- national joins his or her same-sex spouse modation could be up to six months, in the ab- residing in Lithuania or a same-sex per- sence of a decision by the competent authority son with whom a registered partnership that could be appealed against to a court, had has been concluded and who resides in conflicted with Article 20 of the Constitution. Lithuania and is a citizen of the Republic of The Constitutional Court also recognised that Lithuania or a foreign national holding a resi- the provisions of the same law according to dence permit in Lithuania. It was stated in this which all asylum seekers were obliged to be ac- ruling that, only if the legal regulation laid commodated in designated places without be- down in the said law is interpreted in the ing granted the right to move freely within the way indicated above, it is to be assessed territory of the Republic of Lithuania, where the as not violating the requirements arising duration of such accommodation could be up to Ibid., paragraph 35. 23  190 six months, conflicted with the same article of Relying also on this position of the CJEU, the the Constitution.24 Constitutional Court drew the conclusion about the similarity of temporary accommodation in In that ruling, the Constitutional Court, among designated places in the case of the Lithuanian others, relied on the EU legal acts relating to the disputed legal regulation and detention. The legal status of asylum seekers, including the re- Constitutional Court concluded that Lithuanian quirements concerning the temporary accommo- law provides for an alternative to detention, dation of asylum seekers and restrictions on their such as accommodation in a specified place, freedom, i.e. Directive 2013/33/EU of the Euro- with the right to move only within the territory pean Parliament and of the Council of 26 June of the place of accommodation, without leaving 2013 laying down standards for the reception of it without permission and without being accom- applicants for international protection (recast), panied, which, by the way, is essentially identi- which was implemented by the provisions of the cal to the measure applicable to asylum seek- disputed Law on the Legal Status of Aliens of the ers under the provisions of the Lithuanian law Republic of Lithuania. The Constitutional Court challenged by the applicant, is to be regarded interpreted these provisions in the light of the said as detention, and that it is a coercive measure, Directive. In that ruling, the Constitutional Court which should only be applied when no other also took into account the judgment of the CJEU less restrictive means of personal liberty are of M. A. v (Valstybės sienos apsaugos tarnyba) available. (State Border Guard Service) of 30 June 2022 in case C72/22 PPU, in which, inter alia, the provi- By its ruling of 5 July 2023, the Constitutional sions of the above-mentioned Directive were in- Court recognised that the legal regulation es- terpreted by paying attention to the legal regula- tablishing individual cases when it is allowed tion of the disputed law. to write personal names in the documents con- firming the identity of a citizen of the Republic In this CJEU judgment, among others, it was of Lithuania and in the records of civil status noted that a third-country national who has acts by using Latin-based characters (without been subjected to an “alternative” measure to diacritical marks) is not in conflict with the Con- detention within the meaning of Lithuanian law, stitution. The Constitutional Court held that the i.e. placement in a detention centre of the State legislature implemented its constitutional pow- Border Guard Service, with the right of move- ers to establish the legal regulation governing ment confined to the area of that detention cen- the writing of names and surnames of persons tre, and who is not allowed to leave it without in the documents confirming the identity of a authorisation and escort, is to be regarded as a citizen of the Republic of Lithuania, taking into person who has been separated from the rest of account the official conclusion of the State Com- the residents and who has been deprived of the mission of the Lithuanian Language Commis- freedom of movement, and who is thus consid- sion, as an institution with special competence ered to be a person who is subject to detention, in the field of the state language, and having as understood by Article 2(h) of the Directive properly assessed the position and proposals (paras. 40–42). The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 7 June 2023. 24  191 set out in that opinion, based on the special grounds only if they are necessary for the pro- competence of that Commission. Therefore, the tection of the interests that they are designed to establishment of the impugned legal regulation safeguard and only insofar as those objectives has not violated Article 14 of the Constitution, cannot be attained by less restrictive means.27 which consolidates the constitutional status of the state language.25 Conclusions This position of the Constitutional Court seems to be evolving compared to its previous judg- The analysis of the relevant provisions of the ments putting strong emphasis on the use of Lithuanian Constitution and the jurisprudence the state language in the public life of Lithuania, of the Constitutional Court of Lithuania allows including the first page of identity documents, us to confirm the strong dedication and commit- although it is allowed to supplement the entry ment of the state of Lithuania to the principles of in the state language in the passport of a citi- international law. Respect for supranational le- zen by writing the person’s name in his or her gal order and the proper implementation of EU mother tongue in the section of other entries law is also based on the recognition of member- of the passport. 26 In this case, the position of ship in the European Union as a constitutional the Constitutional Court is quite strongly deter- value. It could be stated that the discussed Lith- mined, inter alia, by the case law of the CJEU uanian constitutional legal regulation and the speaking in the name of fundamental freedoms examples from the jurisprudence of the Lith- in the sphere of the writing of surnames. The uanian Constitutional Court affirm the signifi- Constitutional Court noted that the CJEU had cant impact made by EU law and the case law of held that the objective pursued by national leg- the CJEU on the constitutional jurisprudence. islation seeking to protect a national language These sources are used while interpreting and by laying down rules on the spelling of that lan- applying the Constitution (especially in the ar- guage is, in principle, legitimate and capable of eas where the Republic of Lithuania shares with justifying restrictions on the right to freedom of or confers on the European Union the compe- movement and residence, provided for in Arti- tencies of its state institutions) and also other cle 21 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the ordinary Lithuanian law. Thus, the Lithuanian European Union, and can be taken into account Constitution and the developed constitutional in the balancing exercise between the legitimate jurisprudence, on case-by-case basis, become interests at stake and those rights recognised by increasingly more open to EU law. EU law. However, measures restricting funda- mental freedoms, such as those referred to in Article 21 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, may be justified on objective The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, the ruling of 5 July 2023. 25  Inter alia, the decision of 6 November 2009 on the spelling of the name and family name of an individual in the passport of 26  the Republic of Lithuania. The Court of Justice of the European Union, the judgment of 5 June 2018, 12 June 2011, Malgožata Runevič-Vardyn and 27  Others v Administration of the Municipality of Vilnius City and Others, paragraphs 85–88. 192  Contribution by Claudio Monteiro, Supreme Administrative Court of Portugal THE PROTECTION OF FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS BY THE ADMINISTRATIVE COURTS IN PORTUGAL Honorable President of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo, Madam Gresa Caka-Nimani, 1. The Portuguese judicial organization Distinguished Judges of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo, Colleagues and friends Portugal has two separate constitutionally de- The aim of my presentation is to remind that fined jurisdictions: civil and administrative (art. the protection of fundamental rights is not an 209 and following of the Constitution of the exclusive role of Constitutional Courts. Even in Portuguese Republic). judicial systems that have a centralized system The jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court (in of constitutional control – like the Portuguese matters of juridical-constitutional nature) and – citizens should have access to other – more of the Court of Auditors (verification of the le- agile - remedies for the protection of their fun- gality of public expenses and judging of the ac- damental rights, before other courts, especially counts submitted to it by law) are also foreseen against the Public Administration, who rep- by the Constitution. resents one of the major threats for those rights. 193 Administrative Jurisdiction 2. The scope of jurisdiction of The current system of specialized courts for ad- the administrative courts ministrative and fiscal disputes also consists of three tiers. The material scope of jurisdiction of the admin- At the base, we have the circuit administrative istrative courts coincides as a general rule with courts, in sixteen different locations around the that of administrative disputes. But the case country. In most cases, the circuit administra- law have considered that article 212, para. 3, of tive courts and the tax courts are combined, as the Constitution, which reserves the judgment administrative and tax courts. of actions relating to disputes deriving from le- gal administrative relations for the administra- The middle tier consists of the central admin- tive courts, has the nature of a general clause istrative courts, one covering the southern part without thereby seeking to prohibit the excep- of the country and the islands, located in Lis- tional adoption of other criteria for jurisdiction. bon, and one covering the northern part of the country, located in Oporto. A new central ad- The range of the jurisdiction of the adminis- ministrative court located in Castelo Branco, in trative courts is not determined merely by sub- the center of the country, is due to be created by stantive or material factors. Equally important the end of the year. are functional factors, relating to the difference between the roles of the administrative courts At the top of the hierarchy is the Supreme Ad- and of the administrative authorities: constitu- ministrative Court, created in 1870. tional principles such as the separation of pow- ers and the democratic legitimacy of executive power do not allow the courts to transform re- view into the final exercise of administration. All administrative court judg- This constitutional guideline is applied in two es enjoy the same constitution- specific areas: that of respect for the initial de- al guarantees of immunity and cision-making power of the Administration and independence as the judges in that of the limits on the judicial control of ad- civil and criminal courts. ministrative discretion. These questions arise from the circumstance that review covers the Procedural law defines the competent court for exercise of public powers that belong primarily every case falling within the scope of jurisdiction to the Government and not to the courts. of the administrative courts. For this purpose, the Administrative and Tax Courts Statute and 3. Remedies in administrative the Code of Procedure in the Administrative courts Courts (referred to below as Code of Procedure) sets out criteria of competence on the grounds of subject matter, territory and hierarchy. The Code of Procedure regulates the principle of effective court protection in accordance with the relevant constitutional provision. 194 Article 2, para. 1, of the Code provides that: to the administrative courts: the Constitution requires that the legislator provide a range of “The principle of effective court protection in- remedies able to restore any infringed right. cludes the right to obtain a final and binding court decision with regard to each claim prop- erly made in court within a reasonable time, together with the option of enforcing the same The catalog of remedies con- and obtain both mandatory and restrictive in- tains administrative actions terlocutory injunctive relief, in order to ensure (or procedures), urgent ac- the effectiveness of the decision.” tions, interim relief and pro- The catalog of remedies in the judicial review cedure for the enforcement of of administrative acts is founded on articles 20, judgments. para. 5 and 268, paras. 4 and 5, of the Consti- tution. Administrative actions in the administrative According to para. 5 of article 20, the law should courts are the appropriate form of action for assure citizens rapid judicial procedures assign- any claim. It may be used, not only to obtain a ing priority as appropriate, so that they may ob- judicial decision quashing an unlawful admin- tain effective timely protection from threats or istrative decision or rule, but also to settle any breaches of individual civil and political rights administrative dispute for which no specific guaranteed by the Constitution. But the guar- remedy exists. It is therefore used to settle ad- antee of judicial protection by administrative ministrative disputes relating to contracts, the courts is extended by article 268, paras. 4 and liability of the administrative authorities (civ- 5 to any other legal rights and not just to fun- il liability and liability for legal administrative damental rights. These paragraphs lay down conduct which may cause specific and abnor- that judicial protection must be effective and mal damages), negative or positive injunctions include certiorari against illegal administrative prohibiting certain actions or requiring others, decisions, declarations of any disputed rights or when such action does not consist of adminis- legal interests, injunctions ordering that certain trative adjudication or rulemaking. administrative decisions be issued, judicial con- trol of agency-made rules and appropriate in- In addition to administrative actions, the Code terim relief. In addition, para. 3 of article 205 of of Procedure also provides for various types of the Constitution lays down that the law should urgent actions. We may refer to the most im- regulate the terms of enforcement of judicial portant of these: decisions against any other authorities. a) I njunction for disclosure of administrative These constitutional guarantees mean that information; there is a constitutional right to judicial review: b) I njunction for the protection of fundamental any statutory provision establishing immunity rights; from judicial review would be unconstitution- c) Public procurement cases, according to Eu- al. But this right does not consist only of access ropean Directives. 195  Notwithstanding, on the administrative juris- 4. The injunction for the diction we do have a specific remedy designed protection of fundamental for that purpose – the injunction for the protec- rights tion of fundamental rights. According to article 202, para. 2 of the Consti- Article 109, para. 1, of the Code of Procedure tution, “in administering justice the courts are states that: responsible for ensuring the defence of those “An injunction for the protection of citizen’s citizens’ rights and interests that are protected rights, freedoms and guarantees may be re- by law, repressing breaches of democratic le- quested when the rapid issuance of a decision gality and deciding conflicts between interests, that requires the Administration to adopt a public and private”. positive or negative conduct proves to be in- Furthermore, article 204 states that “in matters dispensable to ensure the exercise, in a timely that are submitted for judgement the courts manner, of such rights” may not apply norms that contravene the pro- visions of the Constitution or the principles en- As we do not have enough time to analyze the shrined therein”. scope and the procedure of this injunction, I This means that any judge, regardless of its ju- will only make three remarks on its require- risdiction, has an obligation of protecting fun- ments: 1. damental rights of citzens when deciding a case, This remedy only protects fundamental by not applying to it unconstitutional laws. rights against a threat (by action or omis- sion) of the Public Administration. In some circumstances, you may file the case against a private entity entrusted with public powers, like Of course, this is not as effec- concessionaires, but you cannot use it in dis- tive as having a specific rem- putes between two private entities governed by edy designed for the protec- civil law. tion of fundamental rights, as unconstitutionality is not the only source of ofences to fun- 2. The scope of the protection does not in- clude all fundamental or constitution rights, as (you may have noticed) the law refers damental rights. to citizen’s rights, freedoms and guarantees (in- dividual civil and political rights), but not to In our constitutional control system, despite its social rights. There is an ongoing doctrinal and complexity (a mix of the American difuse con- jurisprudential discussion on the possibility of trol system with Austrian centralized system), extending the protection given by this reme- we do not have an equivalent of a writ of protec- dy to any fundamental rights, or at least those tion, found in many Latin Constitutions (recur- whose content may be determined on the Con- so de amparo), or a constitutional complaint, as stitutional text. in Austria or in Germany. 196 3. The injunction cannot be used if any oth- er remedies foreseen in the Code of Pro- cedure – including interim relief - is sufficient The Administrative Circuit Court of Lisbon alone receives nearly 3.000 injunction cases per year, the majority of it related to asylum, immi- to ensure the need of protections of the funda- gration and nationality law. 3.000 injunction mental right. The use of the injunction must be cases that have to be decided by not more than indispensable 10 judges, that are also in charge of hundreds (or thousands) of other regular cases. The injunction for the protection of fundamen- tal rigths have clearly helped to strengthens Of course this excessive workload limits the citizen’s rights, freedoms and guarantees, but ability of the administrative courts to offer ef- has also created a problem for the administra- fective timely justice, which is, in itself, a right tive jurisdiction, due to its excessive use – and guaranteed by the Constitution. abuse. 197  Contribution by Mr. Mato Arlović, Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT PROTECTING THE RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES AND THEIR MEMBERS Certainly, the implementation of the constitu- Summary and keywords tion in this area of its content, both at the level of legislative regulation and at the level of con- The position, rights and freedoms and their crete implementation of individual rights and protection of national minorities and their freedoms of national minorities and their mem- members are one of the unavoidable indicators bers, does not by itself exclude possible viola- of the degree of realization of a modern dem- tions of their constitutional content. ocratic, constitutional state - a state of human and minority rights and freedoms, the rule of In order to prevent and, ultimately, remedy pos- law and all other legally regulated values, ide- sible violations of the rights and freedoms of na- als, and principles of a democratic society. tional minorities and their members (as well as human rights and freedoms for all other holders), It should be borne in mind that the existence within the constitutional legal system, state and and realization of a democratic constitutional other public bodies have been established that are state implies the existence not only of a formal specifically competent for carrying out procedures legal constitution that recognizes, governs and and rendering decisions for their protection. guarantees these rights and freedoms on a nor- mative level, but also of its functional-realistic The constitutional courts, which protect these implementation. rights and freedoms on a double level, have a spe- 198 cial significance, role and jurisdiction in the area constitutional court, human rights and free- of protection of these rights and freedoms. At the doms, democratic constitutional state level of abstract control of the constitutionality of laws and the constitutionality and legality of I. Introduction sub-legal acts that elaborate the rights and free- doms guaranteed by the constitution, and in con- The constitutional legal framework related to the crete individual proceedings that citizens initiate regulation of rights and freedoms and their pro- before the constitutional courts, in the prescribed tection of members of national minorities and procedure, if and when they consider that the in- their communities in the Republic of Croatia and dividual acts of state authorities, local self-govern- the Republic of Kosovo is characterized by several ment authorities and authorities of legal entities general and special (specific) characteristics that with public powers, violated those rights. arise from their formal and substantial (material) In the substantive part, the paper will give basic content. Despite the fact that there are certain dif- doctrinal approaches regarding the issue of the ferences between the two frameworks, which will position, rights and freedoms of national mi- also be discussed in the basic elements, I will deal norities and their members, on the one hand, more with the characteristics that indicate their and on the other hand, how the Croatian and similarity and/or uniformity in the essential sub- Kosovo constitution makers responded in the stantial part. At the general level, we observe them constitutional texts. On the third hand, the pa- in several segments. First, at the formal legal level, per will present, from a constitutional legal as- it is clear that this framework is limited by the fol- pect, a description of the position, jurisdiction, lowing legal acts of internal and international law: and, in some concrete examples, the actual ac- a) The Constitution of the Republic of Croa- tions and decision-making of the Constitution- tia1, namely, the Constitution of the Republic al Court of the Republic of Croatia in the pro- tection of the rights and freedoms of national of Kosovo,2 minorities and their members. Of course, to b) international legal regulations specified in the extent that is appropriate for the purpose of Article 16 of the Constitution of the Republic of this paper. I will not go into specific examples Kosovo, of which the Framework Convention of the actions of the Constitutional Court of the of the Council of Europe for the Protection of Republic of Kosovo in the protection of these National Minorities3 a legal act that directly rights and freedoms, I am convinced that, if governs these issues, while all others, to a less- necessary, the judges and other representatives er or greater extent, govern them indirectly. In of that Court will talk more about this. the Republic of Croatia, these are international Keywords: rights and freedoms of national regulations from Article 1 of the Constitutional minorities and their members, constitution, Law on the Rights of National Minorities.4 It Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, “Official Gazette” No. 85/2010 - refined text 1 Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, taken from: https://zka-rks.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/USTAV_REPUBLI- 2 KE_KOSOVO.pdf Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, “Official Gazette - International Treaties” no14/1997. 3 Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities, “Official Gazette” No. 155/2002, Decision and ruling of the Constitu- 4 tional Court of the Republic of Croatia, No. U-I-1029/2007 and U-I-1030/2007. 199 is interesting to note that the Kosovo constitu- tion-maker and the Croatian legislator includ- ed in the list of these formal sources of inter- 1. Indirect legal regulations that govern issues related to the exercise and/or protection of the rights and freedoms of members of national national acts those that are not original legal minorities and their communities through cer- acts by their legal nature.5 Furthermore, when tain provisions. These are legal regulations that defining the position of international legal reg- govern, for example, the electoral system, the ulations as part of their constitutional legal sys- system of local and regional self-government, tems, both accepted and implemented the prin- the system of state administration, the system ciple of legal monism both with regard to these of administration in local and regional self-gov- issues and all other issues regarding human ernment, the judicial system, the system of up- rights and freedoms. The Republic of Kosovo bringing and education, the system of work and in Article 19, paragraph 2 of the Constitution, employment, the prohibition of discrimination and the Republic of Croatia in all international on any ground, except so called. positive dis- treaties under Article 141 of the Croatian Con- crimination in accordance with the law, etc. stitution. More will be said about the principle • sub-legal acts of state authorities and general le- of monism in the special - specific characteris- gal acts of competent authorities related to the tics of these constitutional legal frameworks. implementation of laws governing these issues, c) The direct legal regulations with legal force in • other legal sources.8 the Republic of Croatia are: the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities, which despite its name is an organic law. Then also 2. Direct legal regulations with force of law of the Republic of Kosovo, the Law on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Com- organic laws: the Law on the Use of Languag- munities and Their Members in the Republic of es and Script of National Minorities in the Re- Kosovo.9 The law contains an interesting solu- public of Croatia6 and the Law on Education in tion in Article 15.2. Namely, the provision of Languages and letters of National Minorities.7 that article gives this law a quasi-constitution- al role because it stipulates: “Upon entry into A clear example is the General Declaration on Human Rights, “Official Gazette of the SFRY” No. 7/1976, which is not a legal 5 act by its very name. However, it is one of the most significant acts of the international community (OUN) related to human rights and freedoms (including the rights of members of national minorities and their communities), for the study of which it is an indispensable text. The significance of this Declaration in the world is evidenced by the fact that it is the second most translated reading into world languages (right after the Bible). Law on the Use of Languages and Scripts of National Minorities in the Republic of Croatia, “Official Gazette” No. 51/2000 and 6 56/2000 - correction Law on Education in the Languages and Script of National Minorities, “Official Gazette” No. 51/2000. and 56/2000 - correction 7 Other legal sources include judgments of the European Court of Human Rights and Freedoms from Strasbourg, as well as 8 decisions and rulings of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Kosovo. Namely, the decisions and rulings of these courts have a generally binding character, so everyone (including legislative bodies) is obliged to respect and implement them. In this regard, when they refer to the rights and freedoms of members of national minorities and their communities, they are a source of rights and in nature of things are an integral part of the constitutional legal framework that refers to that area of social relations. Law on protection and promotion of the rights of communities and their members in the Republic of Kosovo, Law no. 03/L- 9 047, and Law no. 04/L-020 on amendments to Law no. 03/L-047 on the protection and promotion of the rights of communi- ties and their members in the Republic of Kosovo. 200 force of this law, any law or regulation incon- tive) sense, the Republic of Croatia and the Re- sistent with the provisions of this law shall be public of Kosovo decided (regardless of certain null and void to the extent of its inconsistency”. differences in their constitutional legal frame- works that relate to these issues) for a complete • indirect regulations in the same way as in the and integral approach. Such an approach im- Republic of Croatia, plies the legal regulation of all open issues that • sub-legal acts and general legal acts adopted are still open and present in individual states by the competent law enforcement authori- when they approach the recognition and legal ties, which refer to these issues, regulation of the position, rights and freedoms • other legal sources. 10 of members of national minorities and their As a special, specific, legal regulation that en- communities. ters into the system of legal acts of this constitu- The open questions that required answers are: tional legal framework are the legal regulations 1) acceptance of national law in this area as an that govern, in accordance with the Constitu- integral part of its internal law according to the tion, the position, jurisdiction and actions of the principle of legal monism; 2) defining the term constitutional courts in the Republic of Croatia national minority (community) in such a way and the Republic of Kosovo. 11 This issue will that it is closest in substance to the definition of be discussed in more detail in the chapter ded- that term, which is most often used as a working icated to the role of the constitutional court in term at the international legal level; 3) accep- protecting the rights and freedoms of national tance of the existence of individual rights and minorities and their members. freedoms of members of national minorities, but also of the collective rights of their commu- II. The constitutional legal nities; 4) accepting the application of positive framework and its specifics discrimination against members of national mi- governing the position, norities and their communities in relation to the rights and freedoms of majority population, but also between national national minorities and their minorities and their members, when this is nec- communities in the Republic essary and justified in a democratic society in of Croatia and the Republic of order to be able, in addition to exercising hu- Kosovo man rights and freedoms, to exercise such spe- cial rights and freedoms belonging to national A. Essential specificities minorities and their members; 5) accepting that the establishment and protection of the rights Responding to the challenge of how to consti- and freedoms of members of national minori- tutionally regulate the position, rights and free- ties and their communities be regulated and doms of members of national minorities and protected by the highest legal act and the high- their communities, in a substantial (substan- As in the Republic of Croatia, see note no 8. 10  See: Constitutional Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia, “Official Gazette” No. 49/2002 - the consoli- 11  dated text and the Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Law no. 03/L-121. 201 est law in the country - that is, by the consti- Namely, the Constitution of the Republic of tution and the constitutional court established Croatia prescribed the conditions that, when by it, which is empowered to make decisions on it fulfills the international legal regulation, ac- the protection of these rights and freedoms as cording to the Constitution itself, it becomes an the ultimate state authority. The same as with integral part of the internal legal order of the the protection of all other constitutionally guar- Republic of Croatia, and as such it is above the anteed human rights and freedoms. law in terms of its legal force. In addition, by virtue of the same constitutional article, these We consider it necessary to single out the afore- international legal regulations (international mentioned constitutional and legal facts simply treaties) can be “altered or repealed only un- because such an approach is, on the one hand, der the conditions and in the manner specified still relatively rare in the world, and on the other therein or in accordance with the general rules hand, because at the normative-legal level it ful- of international law.14 ly corresponds to supranational law (even if it is broader than it in scope and content),12 which In accordance with the mentioned article of the regulates these issues. Thirdly, that these ap- Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, in addi- proaches are not only comprehensive in terms tion to other international treaties that regulate of regulating the position, rights and freedoms and protect the position, rights and freedoms of of members of national minorities and their members of national minorities and their com- communities, but are also very progressive and munities, they are above the law by their legal advanced compared to all others. More on all force, but must be in accordance with the Con- this, inter alia, in the elaboration of each of the stitution of Croatia. Therefore, they are below mentioned questions. the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Here is an opportunity to point out two, in my opin- 1.1. Specifics of legal monism ion, relevant constitutional moments. In the Croatian constitutional legal system, these in- Legal monism is expressed by the unity of the ternational treaties are above the law regardless legal system that forms the constitutional legal of the fact that they are rendered (confirmed), framework for regulating and protecting the as a rule, by a simple majority vote of the rep- position, rights and freedoms of members of resentatives, while (organic) laws governing national minorities and their communities,13 the rights of national minorities are passed by regardless of whether they are legal acts of the a two-thirds majority vote of all members of internal law of the country in question or legal the Croatian Parliament.15 The second moment acts of a supranational level. The constitutional legal framework for the regulation and protection of the rights and freedoms of members of national mino- 12  rities and their communities of the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Kosovo fully accept the content of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, but are somewhat broader, precisely because they provide a definition of national minorities, recognize in addition to individual and collective rights and allow, when legally possible, necessarily and justifiably positive discrimination between members of national minorities and their communities, and not only between them and the majority people. See more about legal monism in Padjen I., “Lessons of legal monism”, Proceedings of the Faculty of Law in Zagreb, Zagreb 13  Vol. 66, Iss. 5 (2016): 595-617. See in detail article 141 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, “Official Gazette” No. 85/2010 - consolidated text. 14  See Article 83, paragraph 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, ibidem. 15  202 is the legal fact that the Croatian legislator as regardless of the fact that their content in some the main law (in addition to the Constitution of articles also include individual provisions that the Republic of Croatia) governing the rights of elaborate the rights and freedoms of members national minorities called it the Constitutional of national minorities and their communities. Law on the Rights of National Minorities. How- Namely, these laws are adopted by a majority ever, despite its name, this law does not have vote of all representatives of the Croatian Par- the character and force of a constitution by the liament, so on that basis, in terms of their le- procedure of its adoption, and by its substan- gal force, they are below the previous ones. All tial content and constitutional determination, other laws which, in an indirect way (because, but is only one of the organic laws.16 This le- for example, they also contain some individual gal nature of this Constitutional Law actual- provisions regulating the way of exercising the ly stems from the very content of its Article 1, rights and freedoms of members of national which prescribes the basis of which legal acts it minorities and their communities) according is substantively based and passed in the Croa- to the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, tian Parliament. Although in name it is a con- 17 are passed by a simple majority of the votes of stitutional law, it was actually passed according the representatives at the sessions of the Par- to the procedure and in the manner prescribed liament, if for a decision is ensured quorum, by the constitution maker in the Constitution by the nature of things they are below them in for other organic laws that regulate the rights of terms of their legal force. members of national minorities and their com- By the way, despite the differences in the hier- munities. It is about the Law on the Use of Lan- archical structure of interrelationships in terms guages and Script of National Minorities in the of legal force between the aforementioned legal Republic of Croatia and the Law on Education in regulations, the monistic model of the constitu- Language and Script of National Minorities.18 tional legal framework for the legal regulation These three organic laws, according to the pro- of the position, rights and freedoms of mem- cedure of adoption and the required number bers of national minorities and their communi- (2/3) of votes from the total number of repre- ties has not been broken. After all, the monis- sentatives of the Croatian Parliament, in terms tic principle itself primarily refers to the unity of their legal force are superior to the organic of this constitutional legal framework, starting laws that elaborate human rights and freedoms, Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities has the title “Constitutional”, due to the demands of representatives 16  of national minorities in the Croatian Parliament, when it was adopted, even though it was already clear in the Parliament at that time that it was an organic law. In fact, the name of this organic law is a question of falsa nominatio. The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia took its position on this issue. Referring to it, Crnić Jadranko, former president of the Cons- titutional Court of the Republic of Croatia, points out that falsa nominatio “does not change the legal nature of laws, does not make them legally different from what they are according to the Constitution and their content, and the Constitutional Court does not judge them by their name but by its legal nature.“ See his book: “Commentary on the Constitutional Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia”, Zagreb, 2002, p. 86; See my book: “The Law of National Minorities in the Republic of Croatia”, Novi informator, Zagreb, 2015, especially p. 191, 309 and 500. See Article 1 of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities of the Republic of Croatia, ibidem. 17  Namely, these two laws, in accordance with Article 83, Paragraph 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, are adop- 18  ted by a two-thirds majority of all members of the Croatian Parliament. The same as the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities. 203 from the fact that it expresses a unique subsys- of the Republic of Kosovo regarding the issue tem of order, regardless of the origin of the le- of direct application of international agree- gal regulations according to their maker, which ments and instruments when it comes to the are part of it. Of course, this does not mean that exercise and protection of human rights and the differences in legal force between these le- freedoms (including the rights and freedoms gal regulations are of no effect. On the contrary, of members of national minorities and their they must be respected based on the principles communities) as a special and substantial part of constitutionality and the rule of law. Every of them. competent authority that ultimately decides on The Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, constitutionality and legality and/or on the pro- in Article 22, in terms of content and proce- tection of the guaranteed rights and freedoms dure, regulated this issue in the same way as of members of national minorities and their the Croatian constitution-maker in terms of communities must take into account these is- the necessary qualified majority for their rat- sues, like it or not. ification, although only in relation to the enu- merative listed international acts, but at the same time, in Article 19, it accepted the princi- ple of legal monism.19 But, there are also some As the state authority in these differences. First, the abovementioned inter- two countries is the consti- national acts are directly applied with consti- tutional court, more will be tutional force in the territory of the Republic said about these issues in the of Kosovo, while in the Republic of Croatia chapter dealing with its role in (but only international treaties) they are an protecting the rights and free- integral part of the constitutional legal order doms of members of national and are applied in accordance with the rule minorities and their commu- of law, and the principle of constitutionality nities. and legality in specific constitutional cases of protection of human (including and minority) As much as there is similarity in terms of the rights and freedoms. Secondly, in the Repub- concept of legal monism between the constitu- lic of Croatia, only international agreements tional framework for regulating and protecting (therefore, legal regulations) have, in accor- the rights and freedoms of national minorities dance with the Constitution, their legal force and their communities in the Republic of Cro- above the law and are part of its constitutional atia and the Republic of Kosovo, there are also legal order. Ergo, by argument a contrario, differences that I will primarily indicate in the those international acts that do not have a le- text of this paper. gal character, even if it was the General Dec- laration on Human Rights, are not and can- The first of them, which should be pointed out, not be part of the constitutional legal order refers to the position of the constitution maker according to the Constitution of the Republic See in detail, in this regard, Article 19, paragraph 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo; ibidem. 19  204 of Croatia. Therefore, they cannot be applied of national minorities and their communities. directly, nor are they above the law in terms of Namely, the legal unity between internation- their force.20 In contrast to the Croatian con- al and internal law relating to these issues was stitutional approach to this issue, the Kosovo indisputably achieved by the fact that in both constitution-maker decided to establish the countries, by virtue of their constitutions, they status of a legal regulation to the General Dec- prescribed that the key international legal acts laration on Human Rights by its own Constitu- governing these issues became an integral part tion, and not just any legal regulation, but one of the internal constitutional legal order, and that is directly applied and by its legal force according to their force are above legal regula- is above laws and others. act of public institu- tions. tions.” Third; as already said, the Kosovo con- stitution-maker opted for a specific number 1.2. The specifics of the concept of of international acts regulating human rights national minorities and freedoms, which he enumerated in Article One of the open questions within the interna- 22, which, according to the Constitution of the tional community for which a generally accept- Republic of Kosovo, are an integral part of the able answer has not yet been reached is the constitutional legal order. Unlike him, in Ar- question of defining what is meant by the term ticle 141, the Croatian constitution-maker ac- national minority, that is, how to define that cepted a general clause according to which all term in a generally acceptable way. The larg- international treaties, which meet the consti- est number of definitions, including those de- tutional requirements of that article, are part signed and offered by unquestionable scientists of the internal legal order. Therefore, in addi- in defining the concept of national minorities, tion to those that directly regulate and protect are, as a rule, taken ad hoc in international re- human rights and freedoms and the rights and lations when discussing and deciding on this freedoms of members of national minorities issue, as a working definition, but not as a final and their communities, and all other interna- definition. One of the most famous of them is tional treaties that may contain some of these certainly that of Francesca Caportortia, but I rights and freedoms indirectly regulated. will not dwell on it and all the others, but I refer interested readers to my book “The Law of Na- However, it should be said that the observed dif- tional Minorities in the Republic of Croatia”,21 ferences, no matter how significant in the end, in which this problem is widely addressed as do not nullify the existence of legal monism, es- well as the reasons why it is not possible (for pecially in the constitutional framework in both now) to reach an agreement at the internation- countries in the area of legal regulation and pro- al level that would lead to a generally accepted tection of the rights and freedoms of members definition of the term national minorities. This Of course, this does not mean that the declared positions, especially with regard to human (including minority) rights and 20  freedoms expressed in the General Declaration, have no influence on their regulation, realization and protection. On the contrary, in terms of content, in the vast majority of both international and internal legal acts related to these issues, they have been legally regulated and elaborated. The special issue of defining the term national minorities is dealt with in my book: “The Law of National Minorities in the 21  Republic of Croatia”, ibid; pg. 75 - 85. 205 is simply because the Republic of Croatia and democratic standards and the desire to formal- the Republic of Kosovo have finally and com- ly and realistically recognize, regulate, protect pletely settled this issue by their internal law. and exercise rights and freedoms of members Namely, both countries have decided to deter- of national minorities and their communities. mine and prescribe what is meant by the term Aware that it is in the interest of all of them national minority in their legal regulations. as equal citizens, and not because the inter- The Republic of Kosovo decided that by the national community is asking for it with this norm of constitutional force (Article 57, para- and/or other reasons. Furthermore, aware of graph 1 of the Constitution) 22 prescribes what the democratic necessity and justification, that is understood by the term national minority. at today’s level of civilizational development, Unlike the Republic of Kosovo, the Republic every human being every human being, by the of Croatia has decided to define what is under- very fact of being human has and belong to him stood under that term23 by the Constitutional all human rights and freedoms, and members Law on the Rights of National Minorities, as of national minorities and their communities, an organic law. Therefore, in the Republic of in addition to these rights and freedoms, must Kosovo there is a constitutional definition of be protected as a special part of human rights the term national minority, namely its con- and freedoms that are necessary for the real- stitutional definition, while in the Republic of ization and development of their nationality Croatia it is established as a legal definition. I and national cultural and general life identi- find the reasons for such an approach (for the ty and survival. In this regard, the content of Republic of Croatia, although I believe that the above-mentioned definitions must be such they were more or less present in the Republic that they can correspond with the substantial of Kosovo as well) primarily in the following content of all individual and collective rights circumstances and motives. First, after their and freedoms of members of national minori- independence, both countries wanted to move ties and their communities. In addition, by de- the issue of inter-national tensions and con- fining the term national minority in this way, flicts from the sphere of politics to the sphere of space is open for every citizen to declare him- legal issues. With such an approach, they tried self as a member of a specific national minority to open a legal space in which, on the basis of without any harm due to this, for himself and/ the highest democratic standards and values, or members of his family and national commu- these issues would be resolved legally, in ac- nity, on the one hand, and on the other, to be cordance with the rule of law, then the highest organized and act as a recognized and regis- The aforementioned article in its paragraph 1 indirectly defines the term national minority by prescribing: “Citizens who be- 22  long to the same national or ethnic, linguistic or religious group that is traditionally present on the territory of Kosovo (com- munity), enjoy special rights determined by this Constitution, in addition to human rights and basic freedoms, determined by Chapter II of this Constitution.” Unlike the Republic of Kosovo, the Republic of Croatia, in its Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities, directly 23  defines the concept of a national minority by assigning in its Article 5. A national minority within the terms of this Law shall be considered a group of Croatian citizens whose members have been traditionally inhabiting the territory of the Republic of Croatia and whose ethnic, linguistic, cultural and/ or religious characteristics differ from the rest of the population, and who are motivated to preserve these characteristics. “ 206 tered national minority (community).24 in the international regulations that regulate this issue, and the empirical and theoretical knowl- The abovementioned adopted approach opens edge of how these issues should be regulated in space for national communities and their mem- the area of the sovereignty of their countries. bers to become a cohesive and progressive factor in the development of the social and state commu- 1.3. Specifics about individual and collec- nity, on the one hand, and on the other hand, to be tive rights and freedoms in the function of creating a positive atmosphere in common life, overcoming national tensions By accepting the aforementioned definitions and conflicts, and normalizing mutual relations of the term national minorities, both countries between the conflicting national minority and the have opened up space to provide an answer to majority people and/or other national minorities. another open question in the international com- Of course, with the necessary assumptions that munity through legal regulations. It is about members of national minorities and their com- whether or not national minorities and their munities accept such a status in the state that, in members should be recognized, in addition to addition to all human rights and freedoms that be- individual, also collective rights and freedoms. long to everyone, they demand all their legally es- Both countries decided to recognize the indi- tablished rights and freedoms on the basis of such vidual rights of members of national minorities a status, on the one hand, and on the other hand, and the collective rights of their communities in that as citizens of the respective country in which their constitutional legal systems.25 they have that status, they fulfill all the duties that The most important collective rights of national any other citizen has without discrimination on minorities include: a) the right to their special any basis. The authors of the aforementioned le- representation in representative bodies of local gal acts were inspired by such a definition of the (and in Croatia, regional) self-government units term national minorities in the theoretical defini- and in the highest representative (legislative) tions given by the doctrine, but also in the sub- body at the state level; b) guaranteed right (in stantive content of the Framework Convention for the Republic of Kosovo)26 on representation the Protection of National Minorities. Then also in executive bodies of municipalities, where at Following this point of view, the Croatian constitution maker enumeratively listed all national minorities whose members 24  live in the Republic of Croatia in the “Historical Foundations” of the Constitution, leaving open space for the possible creation of some new ones. These are national minorities: “Serbs, Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, Hungarians, Jews, Germans, Austrians, Ukrainians, Ruthenians, Bosniaks, Slovenes, Montenegrins, Macedonians, Russians, Bulgarians, Poles, Roma, Romanians, Turks, Vlachs, Albanians and others who are its citizens...”, see paragraph 2 of the Historical Foundations of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia; ibidem; The lawmaker of the Republic of Kosovo acted similarly, prescribing by law that the nati- onal communities (minorities) are: „Serbs, Turks, Bosniaks, Roma, Ashkali, Egyptians, Gorani and other communities.”, see article 1, paragraph 1.4. of Law no. 03/L-047. Law on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Communities and their Members in the Republic of Kosovo, Amendments to that Law, Law no. 04/L-020. In addition to the aforementioned natio- nal communities, Croats also acquired the legal status of a national minority in the Republic of Kosovo in 2011. Very simplified, but therefore understandable to everyone, Lohmann G. defines individual and collective rights, writing that 25  “a collective right is a right whose holder is a collective, just as an individual right whose holder is an individual.” See his work “Collective human rights for the protection of minorities”, Politička misao, FPZ, Zagreb, number 4/1999, p. 39 See in detail Article 64, paragraph 2, points 1 and 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, ibidem; In the Republic of Croatia, 26  the right to representation of national minorities in the Croatian Parliament is regulated by Article 19 of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities, ibidem; and elaborated by the Law on the Election of Members of the Croatian Parliament (“Official Gazette” No. 120/2011 - consolidated text). For the election of representatives of national minorities, the electoral system of Croatia, in addition to the quota model, also applies the obligation to represent the Hungarian and Italian national minorities on the basis of bilateral agreements between the Republic of Croatia and Hungary and Italy. 207 least 10% of the population belongs to a nation- obviously has its base in the Framework Con- al minority;27 c) the right to cultural autonomy vention for the Protection of National Minori- (Republic of Croatia),28 in accordance with the ties, but also in other international regulations Constitution and the law; d) special rights in that govern human rights and freedoms in gen- the form of privileges belonging to associations eral, and partly also of national minorities and and councils of national minorities; 29 e) the their members, and according to the Constitu- right to co-finance the activities of national mi- tion of the Republic of Kosovo, they are directly norities from the budget of the state, local and applicable in its territory. regional self-government units. 30 Of course, in Unlike the way chosen by the Republic of Koso- accordance with the law and within their ma- vo, the Republic of Croatia in the constitution- terial and financial capabilities. In addition to al text contains only the basics for determining the above, there are other collective rights and the rights and freedoms of members of national freedoms that belong to national minorities,31 minorities and their communities. Already in their associations and institutions and other le- its preamble under the name “Historical Foun- gal entities of which they are the founders. dations”, the Croatian Constitution enumerates The specificity of the legal regulation of the all the national minorities (22 of them) living in rights and freedoms of members of national it, but does not close that series as final. Namely, minorities and their communities, both indi- the series ends with the words “and others who vidual and collective, in the Republic of Kosovo are its citizens”, which leaves open space for is reflected in the fact that they are established recognition of national minority status for other in the Constitution itself, while the Law on the ethnic groups when they are formed and regis- Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Com- tered as such. At the same time, in this para- munities and their Members in the Republic graph of the “Historical Foundations”, the Croa- of Kosovo, actually repeat and only elaborate tian constitution-maker gave two guarantees to them. the substantial content of these constitu- members of national minorities and their com- tional rights and freedoms, and their structure, munities. Firstly, equality with citizens of Cro- See in detail Article 62 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, ibidem; The Republic of Croatia has regulated the rep- 27  resentation of national minorities in representative bodies of local and regional self-government units in Articles 20 and 21 of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities., ibidem. See Article 15, paragraph 4 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, ibidem. 28  See, for example, Article 15 of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities of the Republic of Croatia, ibidem; 29  See Article 15, paragraph 2, in connection with Article 28, paragraph 1 and Article 35, paragraph 4 of the Constitutional Law 30  on the Rights of National Minorities of the Republic of Croatia, ibid; and Article 12, paragraph 13 of Law no. 03/L-047 (Law on Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Communities and their Members in the Republic of Kosovo). Among them, of greater importance (according to the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities of the Republic 31  of Croatia) is the right to proportional representation in the executive body of local and regional self-government units (Ar- ticle 22, paragraph 1). Representation in state administration bodies, judicial bodies, taking into account the participation of members of national minorities in the overall structure of the population at the level at which the body of the state admi- nistration, i.e. the judicial body, is organized, and about acquired rights (Article 22, paragraph 2), then the representation in administration bodies of self-government units in accordance with a special law and acquired rights (Article 22, paragraph 3). However, it must be emphasized that when filling these positions and/or public positions, preference is given to members of national minorities only if they meet the same conditions for their filling as other registered candidates. Such practice is firmly established in the Republic of Croatia and based on the decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia, see for example decision number: U-III-4719/2005 of 12 March 2008, (www.usud.hr). 208 atian nationality, which implies their complete those related to human rights and freedoms, equality and equity in the possession, exercise is reflected in the fact that they alone regulate and protection of human rights and freedoms, the rights of their addressees (national minori- without discrimination on any grounds, on the ties), while all other laws only elaborate human one hand, and on the other hand, the rights and rights. and freedoms. From this constitutional duties towards the social and state community approach of the Croatian constitution-maker, are identical those that any other citizen has, it would be wrong to conclude that the rights regardless of his nationality and commitment. and freedoms of members of national minori- Second, the guarantee refers to the exercise of ties and their communities are not guaranteed their “national rights in accordance with the by the Constitution. Namely, they are all basi- democratic norms of the UN and the countries cally guaranteed by the aforementioned item of of the free world”. 32 the Historical Foundations, but also by Article 15 of the Constitution. Why all of them, because In the normative content, only three constitu- paragraph 2 of the Historical Foundations guar- tional provisions originally refer to the position, antees the exercise of their rights, which are es- rights and freedoms of members of national tablished and regulated in the legal regulations minorities and their communities. These are: “of the United Nations and the countries of the a) Article 12, paragraph 2, which stipulates that free world.” Furthermore, Article 15, paragraph in “In individual local units, another language 1, guarantees “equal frights for the members of and Cyrillic or some other script may be intro- all national minorities”, paragraph 2 stipulates duced in official use together with the Croatian that “the equality and protection of the rights language and Latin script under conditions of national minorities shall be regulated by a specified by law; b) Article 15, which content constitutional act. Paragraph 3 stipulates that, is entirely related to the rights and freedoms in addition to the general right to vote, the right of members of national minorities and their of the members of national minorities to elect communities; c) Article 83, paragraph 1, which their representatives to the Croatian Parlia- prescribes by which qualified majority of votes ment may be stipulated by law”, and paragraph out of the total number of votes of all represen- 4 guarantees “ the members of all national mi- tatives organic laws “regulating the rights of norities to express their nationality, to use their national minorities” are adopted. However, it language and script, and to exercise cultural au- is important to point out the specifics of these tonomy.” All these rights and freedoms guaran- laws, which were determined by the Constitu- teed by the Constitution of the Republic of Cro- tion of the Republic of Croatia itself. As signif- atia (including those that are guaranteed by the icant as the qualified majority by which these “Historical Foundations”) are determined and laws are adopted may be, it cannot be qualified elaborated by organic laws that are adopted by as a special feature because there are other le- a two-thirds majority of all members of the Cro- gal regulations under the Constitution that are atian Parliament. In this way, volens nolens “in adopted by that majority. However, their spec- the substantive sense, many provisions of inter- ificity in relation to all other laws, including Paragraph 2 of the Historical Foundations of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, ibidem. 32  209 national legal acts (e.g. the Framework Conven- aim of which is to deny an individual and/or tion for the Protection of National Minorities) group equality in protection, rights, freedoms... are in the substantive sense adopted in the Cro- However, in some situations and in certain so- atian laws governing these issues. However, by cial circumstances, it is necessary to establish the fact that they have become the content of and implement the so-called affirmative (posi- the law, they do not lose even an iota their le- tive) benefits, which give a certain group and/ gal force as an international regulation which, or group, including national minorities, an according to the Constitution of the Republic advantage in relation to the majority in order of Croatia, is above the law in terms of its legal to open up space for the exercise of their pro- force. In order to achieve this, it is sufficient for tection, rights and freedoms, especially those the applicant who requests the protection of the that are indicators of their existence, identity violated right and/or freedom of a member of a and uniqueness.”33 Such positive benefits are national minority, namely of his community to called: positive discrimination. It is clear from refer to the violation of that right and freedom the very name of this term that it expresses dis- from a specific international legal act. This le- crimination, but one that is positive because it gal circumstance is procedurally very important is “necessary and justified”. Positive discrimi- for the actions of all competent state bodies, in- nation cannot be “arbitrary”. It must be justi- cluding the Constitutional Court, in protecting fied, necessary, reasonable and expected”,34 the rights and freedoms of members of nation- and of course, determined and regulated by law. al minorities and their communities. More on It can be concluded that “the application of pos- this, inter alia, in the chapter in which I write itive discrimination must be permitted, legally about the role of constitutional judges in pro- regulated ... commensurate with the need in the tecting the rights and freedoms of members of material-legal and procedural sense in order to national minorities and their communities. achieve the protection of the rights and free- doms of national minorities and their members. 1.4. Specifics of positive discrimination In fact, positive discrimination should contain those positive measures that will provide mi- An open question that specifically characterizes norities and their members normative arrange- the constitutional framework for regulating and ments for the protection of rights and freedoms protecting the rights and freedoms of members and their realization in real life.”35 of national minorities and their communities in both countries is related to the question of The Republic of Kosovo has already accepted their positive discrimination, that is, the posi- and prescribed positive discrimination against tive benefits it recognizes for them. members of national minorities in the Consti- tution. This is how, for example, the represen- The term “discrimination” itself is any dis- tation of national minorities in the Assembly of tinction, exclusion, limitation or favoring, the the Republic of Kosovo is regulated by positive Arlović M., “The right of national minorities in the Republic of Croatia”, Novi informator, Zagreb, 2015, p. 411. 33  Ibidem. 34  Ibidem. 35  210 discrimination,36 then representation in the about the application of positive discrimination representative and executive bodies of munic- between the national minorities themselves and ipalities where at least 10% of the population their members. The Framework Convention on belongs to the national community. Likewise, 37 the Protection of National Minorities approach- discrimination in favor of national minorities es it (as a specificity) because such a possibility in upbringing and education in their own lan- itself is an exception to the rule that “guaran- guage and script, along with education in one tees members of national minorities the right to of the official languages and script, guaranteed equality before the law and equal legal protec- access and special representation in public me- tion.” At the same time, the same regulation of dia, as well as programs in their own language supra-legal force opened an exception to the cit- in accordance with law and international stan- ed rule of principle. Namely, in paragraph 2 of dards, etc., etc. 38 Article 4 of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, such a possi- bility is foreseen if the circumstances prescribed by it have been met. They are fulfilled when it is Seen from a substantive as- necessary to adopt and implement certain mea- pect, the Republic of Croatia sures of positive discrimination “with the aim has similarly regulated and of promoting full and effective equality between protected the rights and free- members of the national minority and the ma- doms of members of nation- jority population”. However, in these circum- al minorities and their com- stances, the parties (states) “will appropriate- munities through positive ly take into account the specific conditions of discrimination. However, un- members of national minorities.” like the Republic of Kosovo, it Based on specific conditions, the Republic of protected them with norms of Kosovo, in its Law on the Protection and Pro- legal force contained in organ- motion of the Rights of Communities and their ic laws.39 Members in the Republic of Kosovo, for example, prescribed a special benefit for Serbs who, as a However, there is an additional specificity in the national community, were given “access to a li- colors of the state when it comes to accepting censed independent television channel in the Ser- positive discrimination and, based on it, regu- bian language with coverage on the entire territo- lating the rights and freedoms of members of ry of Kosovo and which will work efficiently and national minorities and their communities. It is without discrimination in accordance with the Article 64, paragraph 2, points 1 and 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, ibidem. 36  See in detail Article 62 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, ibidem. 37  See in detail Article 59 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, ibidem. 38  See in detail the relevant provisions of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities in the Republic of Croatia, 39  ibidem; and the Law on the Use of Languages and Scripts of National Minorities in the Republic of Croatia, ibidem; and the law on Education in the Language and Script of National Minorities, ibidem. 211 law.”40 Another example is a special measure by constitutional courts of the Republic of Croatia which “special attention is paid to improving the and the Republic of Kosovo have a special sig- situation in which the Roma, Ashkali and Egyp- nificance and role. The aforementioned thesis is tian communities are.” 41 based on: a) the special constitutional position of constitutional courts; b) their competence in In the Republic of Croatia, the Roma nation- protecting the rule of law, constitutionality and al minority and its members are covered by a legality, and human (including minority) rights special program, measures and funds from the and freedoms; and c) in the finality and gener- state budget and the budget of local and region- ally binding force of their decisions. al community units. In order to further achieve positive measures for the Roma, the Republic The position, jurisdiction, as well as other issues of Croatia adopted the National Program for for the constitution and work of the Constitu- the Roma for the period from 2021 to 2027 tional Court of the Republic of Croatia are regu- and the Action Plan for its implementation, lated by legal acts of constitutional force, namely after the National Strategy for the Inclusion of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia itself the Roma was adopted for the period of 2013 and the Constitutional Law on the Constitution- – 2020 expired in December 2020. All these al Court of the Republic of Croatia.43 The Con- programs for Roma are necessary and justified stitutional Law on the Constitutional Court of because it is an undeniable (unfortunately) fact the Republic of Croatia is adopted according to that Roma in Croatia (as well as in many other the procedure and in the manner prescribed for countries where they live) due to their “non-in- the adoption or revision of the Constitution,44 volvement in formal forms of work, lack of ed- so by that very fact the regulation has constitu- ucation, specific way of life and other charac- tional force. This approach of the Croatian con- teristics, are marginalized to a greater or lesser stitution-maker regarding the selection of legal extent: economically, spatially, culturally, po- regulations and their legal force for regulating litically.”42 the position, jurisdiction and other issues of importance for the work of the Croatian Con- The constitutional legal framework for regu- stitutional Court is related to the desire to pro- lating and protecting the rights and freedoms vide the Constitutional Court with the strongest of members of national minorities and their possible constitutional position that guarantees communities is completed as a whole by legal its stability and security, on the one hand that it regulations that govern the competence and ac- “by the nature of things reversibly strengthens tions of various state authorities in the imple- its primarily institutional independence”45 and mentation of their protection. Among them, the See Article 6, Paragraph 5 of Law no. 03/L-047. 40  Article 9, paragraph 2., ibidem; 41  Office for Human Rights and Rights of National Minorities of the Government of the Republic of Croatia, at: https://ljuds- 42  kaprava.gov.hr>nacion.... Constitutional Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia, “Official Gazette” No. 49/2002. - consolidated text. 43  See in detail article 132, paragraph 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, ibidem. 44  Arlović M., “Assessment of the constitutionality and legality of other regulations”, Pravni vjesnik of the Faculty of Law, Osijek, 45  YEAR 30, number 3 - 4/2014, p. 14. 212 thereby create a constitutional basis for the in- With such an approach, the Croatian constitu- dividual independence, autonomy and neutral- tion-maker wanted to clearly point out, both vi- ity of its judges. sually and substantively, the special position of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Cro- The stability and security of the Constitution- atia and its separation, autonomy and indepen- al Court of the Republic of Croatia derives, dence from all other state authorities. Of course, furthermore, from its constitutional position, within the framework of its competence, estab- which prescribes stricter rules for its amend- lished by the Constitution. The competences of ment, supplementation, including the preven- the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Cro- tion of hasty decisions motivated by the prag- atia are numerous and from the aspect of pro- matic-political ad hoc interests and needs of the tection of the rule of law, constitutionality and authorities.46 A stricter procedure for changing legality and the guaranteed goods protected by the legal regulation of the position and jurisdic- them, especially human (including minority) tion of the Constitutional Court of the Republic rights and freedoms of exceptional importance of Croatia, than any other legislative procedure for the Croatian constitutional and legal order. prescribed for the adoption of legal acts, thus Due to the nature of this paper, I will refer only by virtue of the constitution itself, becomes one to those jurisdictions that are related to the role of the strong means of guaranteeing the posi- of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of tion of the Constitutional Court of the Republic Croatia in protecting the rights and freedoms of of Croatia as the protector and guardian of the members of national minorities and their com- Constitution.47 The second is the position of the munities. However, before moving on to the Constitutional Court in the substantive struc- processing of these competences, it should be ture of the Constitution of the Republic of Cro- said that, as far as the position, competence and atia itself. It is positioned in a special chapter other issues important for the work of the Con- V of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia stitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo are dedicated only to it. In this way, in the consti- concerned, there is a great similarity, although tutional text, it is physically separated from all not the same as that of the Constitutional Court other bodies of state power (legislative, execu- of the Republic of Croatia. Firstly, due to the tive and judicial, including the President of the constitutional fact that key issues regarding Republic of Croatia and judicial bodies that are position, jurisdiction, but also other issues of not judicial power). At the same time, by its po- importance for its work, are regulated by the sition, it is a state body and a body of consti- Constitution itself, that is the norms of consti- tutional adjudication with special competences tutional force. Second, the Constitutional Court established by the Constitution of the Republic of the Republic of Kosovo is also positioned in of Croatia itself.48 Ibidem. 46  I took the thesis on the constitutional court as the protector and guardian of the constitution from Häberle P., see his work 47  “Constitutional State”, Zagreb, 2002. The competences of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia are determined by Article 129 of the Constitution of 48  the Republic of Croatia, ibidem. Jurisdictions of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo under Article 113 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo; ibidem. 213 the content structure of the Constitution of the Law does not even regulate these issues with re- Republic of Kosovo in a special chapter VIII, gard to the Constitutional Court of the Republic which is dedicated only to it. Third, the com- of Kosovo, but they, as in the case of the Con- petences of the Constitutional Court of the Re- stitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia, are public of Kosovo, the composition and mandate regulated by the norms of constitutional force. of its judges, the significance and legal force of In fact, considering its specifics as part of the its decisions and other matters of importance constitutional and legal framework, as a whole, for the judges of the Constitutional Court and for the protection of the rights and freedoms its work are regulated by the Constitution it- of members of national minorities and their self. Fourth, the Constitution of the Republic of communities, I think that the point of view can Kosovo establishes the Constitutional Court as rightly be expressed that these constitutional the final authority for the interpretation of the and legal frameworks constitute the vanguard Constitution and the compliance of laws with (especially at the formal level) in the approach the Constitution, thus promoting it to a key to the legal arrangement of these issues. Similar, state body that is the protector and guardian of but milder evaluations than my own regarding the Constitution in Häberle’s sense. From these these constitutional legal frameworks were giv- constitutional circumstances, mutandis muta- en both by eminent constitutional law experts tis, positions can be drawn that correspond to and competent international organizations.50 those of the Constitutional Court of the Repub- lic of Croatia. III. The Constitutional Court However, unlike the Constitutional Court of the as a protector of the rights Republic of Croatia, other important issues for and freedoms of members of its work, such as organization and functioning, national minorities and their appointment and dismissal of its judges, the communities procedure for submission and consideration of submissions, basic questions of procedure be- Among the numerous competences of the Con- fore it, etc. are regulated by norms of legal force, stitutional Courts of the Republic of Croatia namely by the Law on the Constitutional Court and the Republic of Kosovo, for this paper (be- of the Republic of Kosovo. As significant this 49 cause of its topic) relevant are the ones related legal fact may be, it should be said that it does to: deciding on the compliance of the law with not, in essence, affect the distinction between the Constitution, the compliance of other regu- the positions and jurisdictions between these lations with the Constitution and the law, and two constitutional courts. Simply because this deciding on constitutional complaint (in the Law no. 03/L - 121. 49  Thus, for example, the Advisory Committee of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities points 50  out: “1. Kosovo has a solid legal and political framework for the protection of members of national minorities, which was ad- ditionally improved during the monitoring period.” See “Fifth Opinion on Kosovo - Summary and Recommendations of this Committee”, dated 16 February 2023, p. 3. On the other hand, constitutional law expert Häberle P. points out “that we must join those who claim that the ‘Christmas’ Constitution has already raised the constitutional framework for the protection of the rights of national minorities in Croatia to a high level.” See his interview conducted by Posavec Z., contribution in Häber- le’s book “Constitutional State”, Zagreb, 2002, p. 277. 214 Republic of Kosovo constitutional complaints) very significant constitutional legal issues that against individual decisions of state authorities, the constitutional courts of the Republic of Cro- authorities of local and regional self-govern- atia and the Republic of Kosovo must and do ment units, and legal entities with public pow- take into account when acting and deciding in ers when these decisions violate human rights the procedures of abstract control of the con- and fundamental freedoms, as well as the right stitutionality and legality of legal regulations to local and regional self-government guaran- governing the rights and freedoms of members teed by the Constitution of the Republic of Cro- of national minorities and their communities, atia. 51 and in procedures for the individual protection of those guaranteed rights and freedoms, which I will continue to elaborate, primarily, the role they conduct on the basis of individual com- of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of plaints or constitutional complaints. Croatia in protecting the rights and freedoms of members of national minorities and their com- 1.1. On objective constitutional dispute munities from the aspect of abstract control of constitutionality and legality, then the protec- Performing an abstract control of the constitu- tion of individual rights and freedoms on the tionality and legality of legal regulations gov- basis of a constitutional complaint , and I will erning the rights and freedoms of members of finally, in basic terms, point out the significance national minorities and their communities, it is of the decisions of the Constitutional Court of primarily bound by the procedural process and the Republic of Croatia in the implementation actions that are characteristic of an objective of this task. To a lesser extent, I will also refer constitutional dispute.52 In principle, due to the to this role of the Constitutional Court of the fact that an objective constitutional dispute is Republic of Kosovo, believing that it will be dis- a feature of the actions of constitutional courts cussed more in the works and speeches of fellow in the implementation of abstract control of the judges from the Constitutional Court of the Re- constitutionality and legality of legal regula- public of Kosovo. tions, regardless of the area of social relations they regulate. “The essence of this procedure is 1. The Constitutional Court in protecting reflected in the fact that the constitutional court the rights and freedoms of members of should determine what corresponds to objective national minorities and their commu- law, and not about the possible interest or vio- nities in the implementation of abstract lation of the individual subjective right of one control of constitutionality and legality or another participant in the dispute. In an ob- jective constitutional dispute, issues related to The constitutional legal framework as a whole, objective law are resolved... and not those that as well as its previously presented specifics, are Compare Article 129, paragraph 1, sub-paragraphs 1, 2 and 3 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia with Article 113, 51  paragraph 2, points 1 and 2, and paragraphs 5 and 7 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, from which it is clear that in terms of content regarding these competences, regardless of the differences regarding their stipulation, the constitutional rights and duties of both constitutional courts coincide. I took the term objective constitutional dispute from Krbek I., “Constitutional adjudication”, Zagreb, 1962, p. 76, where he 52  warns when using this term that “the objective dispute by its basic nature cannot be a narrow-party dispute at all.” 215 are related and concern the subjective rights 1.2. On the abstract control of the con- and obligations of the participants (parties) in stitutionality and legality of legal regula- a subjective court dispute between them. For an tions governing the rights and freedoms objective constitutional court dispute, it is not of national minorities important whether or not the request (proposal) An objective constitutional dispute includes the of the initiator of the dispute will be accepted, as implementation of an abstract control of con- it is important for a dispute between the parties, stitutionality, namely the constitutionality and it is of crucial importance that the issue of con- legality of the challenged legal regulation in re- stitutionality and/or legality of the challenged lation to the constitution as a whole55, which, normative act be resolved as a whole... In this by the nature of things, includes all the speci- procedure, the constitutional court is not bound ficities prescribed for it. When it comes to the and cannot be bound by the reasons given by the specifics of the legal regulation, exercise and applicant in his proposal for the assessment of protection of the rights and freedoms of mem- constitutionality and legality. Therefore, when bers of national minorities and their commu- the constitutional court examines, assesses and nities in the constitutional legal orders of the decides on the constitutionality and/or legality Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Koso- of a challenged legal regulation, namely. indi- vo, this was previously discussed in this paper. vidual parts of it, it takes measures, actions and Basically, they can be classified into two groups. implements the necessary procedures accord- The first, which is the result of the application ing to its own judgment (in accordance with of the principle of monism, according to which the prescribed procedure) that will enable it to it is an integral part of the constitutional legal make such an interpretation and taking a po- order, along with internal law, and internation- sition that will consider (determine) the ques- al law, which refers to this area of constitutional tion of challenged constitutionality, namely, the law. The second, which results from the consti- constitutionality and legality of the challenged tutionally prescribed hierarchical order in the legal regulation.”53 The constitutional basis of structure of the constitutional legal order of an an objective constitutional dispute is found in individual state. None of the prescribed rela- certain provisions of the constitution that pre- tionships and procedures within these groups scribe and regulate in a direct and/or indirect can be skipped. Especially when it comes to manner the principles of constitutionality and the implementation of abstract control of the legality and the rule of law. 54 challenged legal regulation from the aspect of formal (un)constitutionality, respectively, (un) constitutionality and (il)legality. Arlović M., “The Constitutional Court, guardian of the Constitution and protector of the rule of law”, paper (manuscript) 53  presented at the International Conference “Constitutional Justice: Dignity, Freedom and Justice for All”, dedicated to the Constitution Day of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Astana, 7. - 8, September 2023, p. 12. See Articles 3 and 5 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia in more detail, ibidem. 54  The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia also took a position on the fact that the Constitution is a whole and that in 55  the implementation of the abstract control of constitutionality and legality it must be approached as a whole. See his decision number: U-I-3789/2003 of December 8, 2010, “Official Gazette” number 142/10. 216 Thus, due to the constitutional determination pliance of a law with an international treaty is that international treaties concluded in accor- a logical consequence of the constitutional pro- dance with Article 141 of the Constitution of the vision whereby the international treaty, which Republic of Croatia and are in force, due to their has been ratified and published, forms a part legal force above the law, for each assessment of of the domestic legal order and is by legal force the constitutionality of a challenged legal regu- ranked higher than a law. Having established lation, the Constitutional Court of the Repub- the non-compliance of the evaluated provisions lic of Croatia is obliged to assess whether it in of the Law on Expropriation with the provisions compliance with that international agreement of Article 6, paragraph 1 of the European Con- and the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. vention on the Protection of Human Rights and There are no doubts about the way the Consti- Fundamental Freedoms, the Court repealed the tutional Court of the Republic of Croatia has relevant legal provisions solely for this reason, acted in this way since the mid of nineties, when and this is the precedential importance of this it took the position that it has the right to decide decision.”57 on the compatibility of laws with international This is the point of view the Constitutional treaties.56 The Constitutional Court of the Re- Court of the Republic of Croatia has consistent- public of Croatia confirmed this position by its ly established in specific cases of constitution- decision number: U-I-745/1999 of 8 November ality assessments, namely assessments of the 2000, “Official Gazette” number 112/00. The constitutionality and legality of the challenged aforementioned position of the Constitution- legal regulations governing the rights and free- al Court of the Republic of Croatia was clearly doms of members of national minorities and presented by Prof. S. Sokol, former president their communities, assessing them also from of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of the aspect of their compliance with the Frame- Croatia, by the words: “If the decision of the work Convention for the Protection of National Constitutional Court on the compliance of a law Minorities, and other international treaties that with the Constitution, and on the compliance of govern these issues, and according to the Con- other regulations with the Constitution and the stitution of the Republic of Croatia, are part of law, is in fact a decision on the compliance of its constitutional and legal order.58 a lower-ranking regulation with a higher-rank- The Constitutional Court of the Republic of ing regulation and with the Constitution, as the Kosovo, in my opinion, is in a similar situation highest-ranking regulation, then the authority when it comes to conducting an assessment of of the Constitutional Court to review the com- the harmonization of internal laws with inter- Decision number: U-I-920/1995 and U-I-950/1996 of 8 November 2000, “Official Gazette” number 112/00. 56  Sokol S., “The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia in the protection and promotion of the rule of law”, Proceedings 57  of the Faculty of Law in Zagreb, Zagreb, number 6/2001, p. 1169. Particularly important decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia in the field of abstract control of 58  constitutionality and legality are: U-I-376/2010 and U-I-3553/2011 of July 29, 2011, “Official Gazette” number 93/11.; U-I- 120/2011 of 29. July 2011, “Official Gazette” number 93/11 and U-I-3597/2010 and others from 29 July 2011, “Official Ga- zette” number 93/11. The importance of the aforementioned decisions stems from the positions taken by the Constitutional Court on the basis of discussions and decisions on positive discrimination, quotas in the electoral system for the selection of representatives of national minorities, etc. 217 national acts that are an integral part of the in- also derives the specific jurisdiction of the con- ternal constitutional legal order of the Republic stitutional courts of these countries to act and of Kosovo. I take such a position based on the decide on the basis of a constitutional lawsuit provisions of Article 19, paragraph 2 of the Con- in cases of rights and freedoms of members of stitution of the Republic of Kosovo. I believe national minorities and their communities, that a teleological interpretation of this provi- simply because the constitution makers (right- sion cannot lead to a different position, except ly) consider these rights to be human rights and for the one according to which it is the right and freedoms. duty of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo (as well as the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia) that when conducting an abstract control of the challenged constitu- The constitutional bases for tionality of laws, namely the constitutionality acting and deciding on the pro- and legality of sub-legal acts, it must conduct an tection of the rights and free- assessment of their compliance, both with the doms of members of national Constitution and with the international treaty, minorities and their commu- which is an integral part of its constitutional le- nities are contained in Article gal order by the will of the constitution-maker 129, paragraph 1, sub-para- of the Republic of Kosovo. graph 4, of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, and in 1.3. The Constitutional Court in protect- Article 113, paragraph 7, of the ing the rights and freedoms of members Constitution of the Republic of of national minorities and their com- Kosovo. munities on the basis of a constitutional lawsuit The procedure before the constitutional courts, The competence of the constitutional courts as well as the rights and obligations of the appli- of the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of cants of constitutional lawsuits based on them, Kosovo to act and decide on the protection of are regulated: in the Republic of Croatia by the the rights and freedoms of members of national Constitutional Law on the Constitutional Court minorities and their communities, on the basis of the Republic of Croatia, namely in Chapter of a constitutional complaint, derives from their V. Protection of human rights and fundamen- competence to decide on that basis if to the ap- tal freedoms, which includes the provisions plicant of the constitutional complaint “human contained in Articles 62. to 80 of his text. In rights and freedoms as well as the right to lo- the Republic of Kosovo, these issues are regu- cal and regional self-government guaranteed by lated by the Constitution60 and the Law on the the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia have Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo been violated.”59 From this general jurisdiction (Law No. 03/L-121), namely in Subchapter 1 of Article 129, paragraph 1, sub-paragraph 4 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, ibidem. 59  Article 113, paragraph 7 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, ibidem. 60  218 Chapter 9, entitled “Procedure for cases defined can be submitted to the Constitutional Court by in Article 113, Paragraph 7 of the Constitution both natural and legal persons, in accordance of the Republic of Kosovo”, which includes Arti- with the Constitution and the Constitutional cles 46. to (inclusive) 50. Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia. In contrast to the Republic of Croa- The specificity of both legal solutions is that tia, the Kosovo constitution-maker determined they approach the protection of the rights and in Article 113, paragraph 7, that the authorized freedoms of members of national minorities persons of this right are only “individuals”, and their communities as human rights and namely natural persons. Such an approach may freedoms, which is evident from the very con- be too strict, especially if it is taken into account tent of the articles of these regulations that re- that the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo fer to these issues. At the same time, there are recognizes both individual and collective rights differences in the approach itself. I will point and freedoms of national minorities, namely out only the (in my opinion) more significant their members and communities. ones. First, the Croatian constitution-maker de- cided to completely regulate these issues with However, the key link that indicates the similar- the norms of constitutional force. In contrast ity of the constitutional regulation of this issue to him, the Kosovo constitution-maker decided is related to the fundamental principles (condi- to regulate the jurisdiction and basic principles tions and criteria) prescribed by both constitu- for acting on a constitutional complaint by the tion makers when a constitutional lawsuit can norm of constitutional force, while the issue of be filed for the protection of these rights, on the their elaboration was left to the legislator, so basis of which the constitutional courts must they are regulated by law. act and decide. They can be classified into three fundamental issues arising from the norms of Second, perhaps (regarding the issue of protect- constitutional force.61 ing the rights and freedoms of members of na- tional minorities and their communities based First, it refers to the constitutional fact that it is on a constitutional lawsuit) the most significant a right that is guaranteed to natural (and in the difference is related to the question of who is Republic of Croatia also legal) person as a consti- authorized to file a constitutional lawsuit. Arti- tutional right and freedom by the Constitution it- cle 62, paragraph 2 of the Constitutional Law self. In other words, the constitution-maker of the on the Constitutional Court of the Republic of constitution assumes that these rights and free- Croatia prescribes: “(1) Everyone may lodge a doms are subject to constitutional protection only constitutional complaint with the Constitution- if they are guaranteed by the constitution. al Court...”. From the cited stipulation, it is un- Second, that these rights and freedoms, based derstandable, by the nature of things, that in the on the constitution, have been violated (or so constitutional sense, for the protection of these the applicant claims and proves in his constitu- rights and freedoms, a constitutional complaint tional complaint). Namely, in the Republic of Croatia, they are contained in Article 62 of the Constitutional Law on the Constitutional Court, 61  which is a legal regulation with constitutional force, and in the Republic of Kosovo in Article 113, Paragraph 7 of the Constitu- tion of the Republic of Kosovo, ibidem. 219 Thirdly, that the applicant of the constitution- must assess whether the constitutional rights of al complaint used all other legally prescribed the applicant are violated by the act challenged and permitted legal remedies for the protection in the constitutional complaint and/or not. This of these rights and freedoms, before filing the work shows how complex and demanding the constitutional complaint. Only after the last al- procedure of the Constitutional Court is for a lowed legal remedy for the protection of these constitutional lawsuit. All the more so because rights and freedoms has been used, and has not in the initial practice of the constitutional ad- succeeded in their protection, the applicant of judication, they were conducted without taking the constitutional complaint can submit it to into account “the distinction between subjective the Constitutional Court for processing and de- rights based on law and constitutional rights”, cision. starting from the point of view that “any illegal- ity was also held to be a violation of the consti- It is very important to understand the stated tutional right.”63 principles (that is, the conditions and criteria prescribed by the constitution for filing a con- The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Cro- stitutional lawsuit) in order to assess the ad- atia resolved this Gordian knot only at the end missibility of a constitutional lawsuit, and then of the nineties of the last century. More precise- decide whether or not the applicant’s rights and ly, by its decision number: U-III-1097/1999, freedoms have been violated. “Official Gazette” number 38/00, when it took the following position: “12. The Constitutional It is a complex and demanding procedure that Court, as a rule, does not engage in questions must be carried out by the Constitutional Court. of whether the courts have correctly and fully This procedure requires, not only the deter- established the factual situation, it does not en- mination of whether or not human (minority) gage in either the assessment of evidence or the rights and freedoms have been violated, but legal assessment of the courts. For the Constitu- whether these are those prescribed and guar- tional Court, the relevant facts are the facts on anteed by the constitution, and not any other the existence of which the assessment of the vi- legal rights and freedoms of physical and legal olation of the constitutional right depends, and persons in civil society. Namely, any violation erroneous application of substantive law is not, of legal rights and freedoms is a violation of in itself, a valid reason for filing a constitutional the law, but at the same time, it does not nec- complaint.” essarily have to be a violation of constitutional rights and freedoms, namely the constitution. The constitutional courts are obliged to take However, any violation of the constitutionally into account the above-mentioned principles prescribed rights and freedoms is always a vi- and act according to them when deciding on olation of the law. 62 When conducting the in- constitutional lawsuits for the protection of any terpretation procedure, the constitutional court constitutionally prescribed and guaranteed con- Belajec V., “Constitutional grounds for filing a constitutional complaint t” in “Constitutional court in the protection of human 62  rights”, Proceedings, Croatian Institute for Human Rights, Novi Vinodolski and Hanns Seidel Stiftung, Croatian Legal Center and Organizer, Zagreb, 2000, p. 101 - 102. Ibidem; p. 100. 63  220 stitutional right and freedom, as well as for the Indeed, the positions taken are a decisive in- protection of the rights and freedoms of mem- dicator of both the reasons for which such a bers of national minorities and their communi- decision was rendered, as well as the starting ties. This is also evident in concrete examples content for the interpretation of violations of of actions and decisions based on constitutional the protected constitutional and/or convention complaintsby the constitutional courts of the rights and freedoms of members of national Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Kosovo, minorities and their communities. On the oth- which will be discussed inter alia. er hand, they show exactly what objective right and/or freedom was applied in specific cases IV. Examples of decisions of and how it was interpreted by the Constitution- the Constitutional Court of al Court in those proceedings. the Republic of Croatia for An illustrative example is the Decision and Rul- the protection of rights and ing No.: U-I-732/1998 of 12 April 2001, which freedoms of members of na- shows the commitment of the Constitutional tional minorities and their Court of the Republic of Croatia in enforcing the communities protection of the rights and freedoms of mem- bers of national minorities and their communi- The discussion on the action of the Constitu- ties in the Republic of Croatia. tional Court of the Republic of Croatia in pro- The applicant of the proposal for the constitu- tecting the rights and freedoms of members tional review of the Constitutional Law on Hu- of national minorities and their communities man Rights and Freedoms and on the Rights of would be incomplete and only on a theoretical Ethnic and National Communities or Minorities level, if its decision-making on the basis of the in the Republic of Croatia (“Official Gazette” judgments it rendered in procedures for ab- no. 65/91, 27/92, 34/92 - consolidated text, stract control of constitutionality and legality, 53/00 and 105/00 - consolidated text; here- namely concrete control of the protection of inafter: the Constitutional Law)64 challenged, those rights and freedoms on the basis of a con- in its entirety, Article 17 of the Constitutional stitutional complaint. Especially if they fail to Law, considering it unconstitutional because it emphasize, in addition to the substantial con- allows national minorities as special groups as tent of the enacting clauses of those decisions, part of the people to elect their representatives also the position taken in their reasoning, on in Croatian Parliament, which violated the right which it bases its enacting clause. All the more of equality of all citizens (nationals) as a people so, when it is taken into account the fact that to elect their (all) representatives . Therefore, the generally binding character of the decisions the proponent considers that the challenged of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of article of the Constitutional Law is inconsistent Croatia includes the obligation of the enacting in entirety with Article 14, paragraph 2 of the clause and the positions taken in its reasoning. Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. On its The aforementioned law ceased to be valid with the adoption of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities 64  in the Republic of Croatia, “Official Gazette” No. 155/02. and its entry into force. See its Article 44 in this regard. 221 own initiative, the Constitutional Court of the the specific conditions of members of national Republic of Croatia initiated the procedure of minorities in an appropriate manner, and those assessment of paragraphs 3 and 4 of Article 17 measures adopted in accordance with these and Article 25 of the Constitutional Law in the provisions are not considered an act of discrim- part in which it prescribed that representatives ination (Article 4, paragraphs 2 and 3 of the of national minorities in the Croatian Parlia- Framework Convention).”65 ment represent only the minorities that elected After the deliberations, the Constitutional Court them and in that part which stipulates the revo- of the Republic of Croatia did not accept the cation of members of national minorities. proposal of the applicant (Croatian Pure Party For the applicable law, regarding the constitu- of Rights for the constitutional review of Article tional review of the challenged provisions of the 17 as a whole of the Constitutional Law). At the Constitutional Law, the Constitutional Court same time, on the basis of its own initiative, it took the corresponding provisions of the Con- decided to repeal: a) the provision of Article 17, stitution of the Republic of Croatia and the pro- paragraph 3 in its entirety; b) the provision of visions of Article 4, paragraphs 2 and 3 of the Article 17, paragraph 4, in the part that reads Framework Convention for the Protection of “and revokes”; and c) the provisions of Article National Minorities. Taking the relevant provi- 25 in the part that reads: “and revokes”.66 sions of the Framework Convention as the ap- The Constitutional Court of the Republic of plicable law, the Constitutional Court decided Croatia repealed these provisions, considering to assess, in accordance with the Constitution them to be contrary to Article 74, paragraph 1 of of the Republic of Croatia, the compatibility of the Constitution, according to which, the rep- the challenged provisions of the Constitutional resentatives in the Croatian Parliament “do not Law both with the Constitution and with the have a binding mandate, but a representative Convention itself, respecting the constitutional one; which means that in their activities - in de- provision according to which its legal force is bates, taking positions and voting – are inde- above the law. pendent of the views of the voters who elected Therefore, it based its decision not only on Ar- them.” By prescribing a binding mandate for ticle 15, paragraph 2 of the Constitution, but representatives of ethnic and national commu- also “on the provisions of the Framework Con- nities or minorities, the legislator, according to vention for the Protection of National Minori- the Constitutional Court, put one category of ties. According to these provisions, the parties representatives in an unequal position before undertake to adopt appropriate measures, if the Constitution and the law.”67 necessary, with the aim of promoting full and Another judgment of the Constitutional Court effective equality between members of nation- of the Republic of Croatia that I decided to cite al minorities and the majority population. In as an example of its decision-making in the pro- this regard, the parties will take into account cess of abstract control of the constitutionality “Selection of decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia 1996 - 2009”, Official Gazette, Zagreb, 2010, p. 71. 65  Ibidem; p. 70. 66  Ibidem; p. 71. 67  222 and legality of legislation governing the rights of all, the following: a) The Framework Conven- and freedoms of members of national minorities tion for the Protection of National Minorities, and their communities is contained in decision as an international treaty, according to the Con- number: U-I-3597/2010 of July 29, 2011 (“Of- stitution is “part of the internal legal order ... ficial Gazette” number 93/11.). This decision is and in terms of legal force it is above the law.”69 significant, not only because it aroused greater It is part of the applicable law for constitution- interest among Croatian national minorities al review of the challenged provision of the and the entire Croatian public, but even more Constitutional Law. With such a position, the so because of the number and significance of Constitutional Court, in fact, expressed its po- the positions taken by the Constitutional Court sition on legal monism, on the one hand, and of the Republic of Croatia, which it also referred on the other hand gave the Framework Con- to in its judgments in similar cases and/or re- vention the position of a quasi-constitutional peated consistently later. By this decision, the act. Of course, in the process of constitutional Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia proceedings, b) the enacting clause recognized is on the proposal of several applicants, 68 de- the existence of legally guaranteed and secured cided that “I. The procedure for assessing com- seats for members of national minorities in the pliance with the Constitution is initiated and Croatian Parliament, which are filled on the ba- Article 1 of the Constitutional Law on Amend- sis of special legal rules for voters - members of ments to the Constitutional Law on the Rights national minorities, in a special electoral unit of National Minorities (‘Official Gazette’ num- for minorities. In addition to these “positive ber 80/10) is repealed...”. The reasons for this (affirmative) measures (which are also called decision by the Constitutional Court, summa- positive discrimination, my note) the text lists rized in Chapter VIII. Conclusions of the Con- several others who belong to national minori- stitutional Court, in subsection 1) point 1 of the ties in the implementation of candidacy and enacting clause in point 61. 1), 2), 3), 4), 5), 6) election of their representatives to the Croatian and 7) of the said decision, I will not mention Parliament;70 c) the principle of equality in them separately in this text. However, the po- the majority-minority relationship, contained sitions taken in the reasoning of this decision in Article 3 of the Constitution, and in the mi- deserve to be highlighted additionally, because nority-minority relationship in Article 15, para- they are the basis for precisely such point I of graph 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of the enacting clause, as well as for the reasons Croatia, was elaborated;71 d) positive measures that justify it, on the one hand, and on the other (positive discrimination) must be prescribed by hand, they are today the basis of its established law, reasoned, reasonable and justified by the constitutional court practices in the same and/ goal for which they were imposed;72 e) formal or similar cases. These points of view are, first equality “among minorities does not necessarily See closer points 1. - 3. of the reasoning of decision. 68  Ibidem; point 22. 69  Ibidem; see closer point 24. 70  Ibidem; point 54. 71  Ibidem; point 61. 5) 72  223 mean, and in real life most often does not mean, sion of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of their mutual equality. In a situation where there National Minorities, considering that, contrary is one or more numerically superior national to the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, it minorities in society in relation to others, the extended the competence of the Constitutional constitutional demand for their mutual equality Court beyond the scope established by the Con- is not sufficient to interpret in the light of their stitution, regarding authorized entities that can formal equality ... More important than that are file a constitutional complaint in the protection the actual effects of the applied measures ...”73 of the rights and freedoms of members of na- This position of the Constitutional Court of the tional minorities and their communities. Con- Republic of Croatia is the basis for the applica- sidering the challenged provision in relation to tion of positive measures (measures of positive the relevant provisions of the Constitution and discrimination) also between national minori- the Constitutional Law on the Constitutional ties when this is necessary, objective and jus- Court of the Republic of Croatia, the Constitu- tified (reasonable) reasons for this. It is a key tional Court found that it is not in compliance argument, for example, for the imposition of with them. special positive measures in favor of the Roma The Constitutional Court finds the reasons for national minority in relation to all others in the its non-compliance with the relevant provisions Republic of Croatia, which were already dis- of the Constitution and the Constitutional Law cussed in the previous part of the text. on the Constitutional Court in the legal fact The third decision of the Constitutional Court that national minority councils and the Coun- of the Republic of Croatia in the area of abstract cil for National Minorities are special political decision-making on the constitutionality and institutions established by the Constitution- legality of legal regulations, which deserves al Law on the Rights of National Minorities in attention, is the decision in case number: U-I- public and political life. Their establishment, 1029/2007 et al. of 7 April 2010 (“Official Ga- work and jurisdiction are governed by the pro- zette” number 47/10). This decision deserves visions of Articles 23 - 37 of the Constitutional our attention because it has the consequent ef- Law on the Rights of National Minorities. From fect of narrowing the circle of entities who can the analysis of these provisions, it is clear that file constitutional complaints for violation of the submission of a constitutional complaint to constitutionally guaranteed human (including the Constitutional Court is not foreseen in their minority) rights and freedoms. Namely, with it jurisdiction. When it comes to the protection the Constitutional Court accepted the applicant’s of human rights and freedoms, including the proposal, initiated the procedure for assessing rights and freedoms of members of national mi- compliance with the Constitution and repealed norities and their communities before the Con- the provision of Article 38, paragraph 3 of the stitutional Court on the basis of a constitutional Constitutional Act on the Rights of National complaint, the Constitutional Law on the Con- Minorities (“Official Gazette” No. 155/02). The stitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia reg- applicant challenged the aforementioned provi- ulates this in its Article 62, paragraph 1.74 This Ibidem; point 55. 73  See in detail points 5, 6 and 7 of the reasoning of this decision. 74  224 article of the Constitutional Law guarantees the represent an individual member of a national right to everyone, including members of nation- minority or their community which right and/ al minorities, to file a constitutional complaint or freedom has been violated. in order to protect their rights, guaranteed by Secondly, by this decision, the Constitutional the Constitution and the Convention, but un- Court expressly confirmed that the rights and der the conditions prescribed by it.75 This de- freedoms of members of national minorities cision is significant for several reasons. Firstly, and their communities are in fact human rights due to the fact that the political institution of and freedoms and that in relation to their pro- the subject of public law (Council of National tection in the procedural and substantive sense Minorities and Council for National Minori- before the Constitutional Court (but also oth- ties) excluded them from the right to file con- er authorities of state power and bodies with stitutional complaint, if in their own opinion or public authorities) have the same status and in case of the initiative of members of national treatment. Such a position of the Constitutional minorities they believe that the rights and free- Court is of great importance for the protection doms of members of national minorities have of the rights and freedoms of members of na- been violated as prescribed by the Constitu- tional minorities and their communities in con- tional Law on the Rights of National Minorities crete proceedings before it, based on a constitu- and a special law. I consider the decision of the tional complaint. Constitutional Court to be completely justified. Ruling of the Constitutional Court of the Repub- There is no reason why these political-legal in- lic of Croatia in case number: U-II-425/2002 stitutions can file constitutional complaint for of 16 January 2008 (“Official Gazette” number the protection of these rights and freedoms and 14/08), which did not accept the proposal of do so according to their own judgment because several proponents to institute the proceedings this is the subjective right of individuals be- for reviewing compliance with the Constitution longing to national minorities, or legal entities and the law of Article 3 paragraph 2, Article 5 that bear the collective rights and freedoms of paragraph 3 and Articles 8, 9 and 10 of theRe- national minorities. In addition, the aforemen- visions and Amendments to the Statute of the tioned institutions are legal entities with public County of Istria (“Official Gazette of the Coun- powers ex lege by virtue of their competences, ty of Istria” number 12/01). In the reasoning so by the nature of things they themselves, in of the aforementioned decision, the Constitu- the implementation of legal regulations, decid- tional Court stated: “According to the Consti- ing on the rights and freedoms of members of tution and relevant laws, the county as a unit national minorities and their communities, can of regional self-government has the authority violate these rights and freedoms by their indi- by statute to prescribe the equal official use of vidual acts. This fact alone excludes them from the minority language and script in its territory, the possibility of being the bearer of such a right it has the right to regulate the promotion and and that according to their own assessment. protection of its indigenous ethnic, cultural and Thus, without knowledge and consent that they other peculiarities, and nurturing the tradition- Ibidem; 75  225 al expression of regional affiliation, which does Setting from the position taken in this case, the not prescribe administrative regional affiliation Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia or create discrimination against certain res- rendered a decision not to accept the propos- idents of the county in relation to others, and al to initiate proceedings for the assessment of has the right to prescribe the bilingual writing compliance with the Constitution and the law of the name of the county on the seal, stamp, of the Decision on the naming and renaming of name plates and letterheads because this does streets and squares in the area of the settlement not determine the name of the county, but en- of Bale number: O. U. 3/3-94 of 14 Septem- sures the equal official use of the minority lan- ber 1994. In fact, the reasons for such similar guage and script.”76 treatment in the case of the settlement of Bale, for the Constitutional Court of the Republic of The Constitutional Court found that the ar- Croatia, were essentially the same, to the extent rangement of positive measures regarding the that they relate to the very content of the subject equal use of the minority language and script matter of the constitutional dispute. as stipulated by the Revisions and Amend- ments to the Statute (including its challenged To the aforementioned decisions and rulings of provisions, the constitutionality and legality of the Constitutional Court, could be added others which is challenged by the proponent) are not from area of its abstract control of the consti- contrary to the relevant provisions of the Con- tutionality and legality of legal regulations that stitution and the law governing these issues. On govern the rights and freedoms and their pro- the contrary, that the challenged provisions of tection of members of national minorities and the Revisions and Amendments to the Statute their communities, and which have just taken of the County of Istria are in accordance with the positions of the Constitutional Court of the the relevant provisions of the Constitution and Republic of Croatia in the aforementioned deci- laws of the Republic of Croatia. With such a po- sions and rulings, a common link.77 These po- sition, the Constitutional Court of the Republic sitions (either individually or together, depend- of Croatia took a positive position regarding the ing on the nature of the case) are consistently positive discrimination of national minorities, applied by the Constitutional Court of the Re- if and when the local and regional self-gov- public of Croatia whenever it is necessary and ernment units, with their statutes, expand the appropriate and in its proceedings in specific scope of positive measures for the exercise of cases of protection of the rights and freedoms their rights and freedoms regarding the use of of members of national minorities, which were their language and script, nurturing, maintain- brought before it by authorized applicants by a ing and developing their customs, traditions constitutional complaint. In order to confirm and culture in order to maintain their peculiar- the presented statement, I will cite a couple ities, which constitute the very essence of their of decisions of the Constitutional Court from identity. which this is evident. But before that, I must say “Selection of decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia 1996 - 2009”, ibidem; p. 221. 76  See, for example, the following decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia: Decision number: U-I- 77  3786/2010, “Official Gazette” number 93/11.; Decision number: U-I-120/2011 et al., “Official Gazette” number 93/11.; Deci- sion number: U-II-993/1997 and others of 8 November 1999; etc. 226 that in the overall number, the cases for the pro- ment, the prescribed advantage in employment tection of human rights and freedoms based on should be seen as a special positive measure a constitutional complaint, is relatively small, in favor of national minorities with the aim of almost negligible number are related to the pro- enabling members of national minorities to tection of the rights and freedoms of members participate effectively in public affairs through of national minorities and their communities. employment in state administration bodies, Within them, those related to the exercise of the judicial bodies and bodies of self-governing right to representation in judicial bodies (courts units ... Prescribing the aforementioned posi- and the state attorney’s office), as well as the tive measure in the employment of members of right to stand for election and to elect represen- national minorities falls within the scope of the tatives of national minorities to representative legislator’s discretion and is to be considered bodies of local and regional (area) self-govern- justified and permissible as long as the reasons ment, are significantly more represented. In for its imposition last, which are primarily de- view of the stated fact, I will point out specific cided by the legislator, namely as long as it does cases from these areas on which the Constitu- not violate the principle of proportionality, pre- tional Court of the Republic of Croatia decided. scribed in Article 16 of the Constitution, which is primarily the subject of constitutional court With regard to decision-making and taking control. Therefore, as long as the positive mea- positions in cases related to the exercise of the sure prescribed in Article 22 of the Constitu- right to representation of members of national tional Law can be assessed as justified, permis- minorities in state authorities, it should be said sible and proportionate, it cannot be considered that the Constitutional Court of the Republic of discrimination, prohibited by Article 14, para- Croatia took its positions in the case of abstract graph 1 of the Constitution.”78 control of the assessment of compliance with the Constitution of Article 22, paragraph 2. 3 In addition to the cited position, the Consti- and 4 of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of tutional Court of the Republic of Croatia also National Minorities of the Republic of Croatia expressed the following position in that case: (“Official Gazette” number 155/02). It is about “Preference in the employment of members of its Ruling number: U-I-402/2003 et al. of 30 national minorities is not automatic and uncon- April 2008. ditional, and is applied only with the fulfillment of prescribed conditions, and its application en- The Constitutional Court did not accept the sures equality in the representation of members proposal to initiate an assessment of the com- of national minorities in administrative and pliance with the Constitution of the challenged judicial authorities in a way that ensures their provisions contained in Article 22 of the Con- equal position with other citizens of the Repub- stitutional Law on the Rights of National Mi- lic of Croatia.”79 The Constitutional Court has norities. Reasoning the enacting clause of its consistently reiterated this position in its Rul- ruling, the Constitutional Court emphasized ing number: U-I-2767/2007 of 31 March 2009. “According to the Constitutional Court’s assess- “Selection of decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia 1996 - 2009”, ibidem; p. 164. 78  Ibidem; p. 163. 79  227 In the case based on a constitutional complaint to vote even after the election announcement filed for the protection of the right of priority day (Croatian citizenship, over 18 years of age, in the employment of representatives of nation- business capacity, surname and first name, na- al minorities from Article 22, paragraph 4, the tionality and gender or some other attribute Constitutional Court issued decision number: that the legislator could link to the right to vote) U-III-1286/2012, which rejected the consti- weakens the democratic nature of the election tutional complaint. The Constitutional Court process because it opens up space for various based the key reasons for such a decision on and multiple abuses of the passive right to vote the positions taken in previous cases of abstract ... the Constitutional Court considers that it is control, which it already applied in its decision not sufficient to link the fact of residence with number: U-III-3862/2010 of 23 May 2012, the day of the election ... but it is necessary to which also rejected the constitutional com- link to that day the existence of other facts that plaint. are legally relevant to the validity of the candi- dacy, except for those that, due to their nature, By decision number: U-VIIA-54057/2009 of the legislator can link to another date, which 25 November 2009, the Constitutional Court of must be explicitly stated in the law.”81 the Republic of Croatia, in an election dispute, granted the appeal of the representative of the Serbian national minority because the decision of the County Election Commission annulled Taking into account the posi- the decision of the City Election Committee on tion and warning of the Consti- candidacy for deputy mayor. In reasoning its tutional Court expressed in this decision, the Constitutional Court reasons, set- decision, the Croatian legislator ting from the Law on the list of voters, which made amendments and revi- binds only the fact of residence to the day of the sions to the legal regulations82 election announcement, but not other facts that on the basis of them, passing a are legally relevant for exercising the right to completely new Law on Local vote in local elections, “Therefore, it annulled Elections,83 and upon its en- the decision of the CEC and upheld the decision try into force the Law on Elec- of the CEC on the summary list of valid candi- tions of Municipal Heads, May- dacies, in which the appellant is also listed.”80 ors, of the Prefect and Mayor However, at that time, the Constitutional Court of the City of Zagreb (“Official assessed “that the legal recognition of the le- Gazette” numbers 109/07 and gal possibility of changing any of the data rele- 125/08) went out of force. vant to the exercise of the voter’s passive right Ibidem; p. 406. 80  Ibidem; p. 406. 81  See in more detail Article 19, paragraph 3 in conjunction with paragraph 1 of the same Article of the Law on Local Elections 82  (consolidated text containing text published in “Official Gazette” nos. 144/12, 121/16, 98/19, 42/ 20, 144/20 and 37/21), in force from 10 April 2021. Ibidem. 83  228  of its decision, respective its ruling.(5) The Con- V. Execution of decisions of stitutional Court may determine the manner in the Constitutional Court and which its decision, respectively its ruling shall protection of the rights and be executed.” freedoms of members of na- Unlike the Republic of Croatia, the constitu- tional minorities and their tional framework of the Republic of Kosovo, communities which refers to regulation, obligations, areas of application, legal force, and especially enforce- A significant indicator of the success of con- ability, is much more modest in scope and con- stitutional courts in enforcing the protection tent. Although the constitutional provision in of the rights and freedoms of members of na- the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo is, tional minorities and their communities is their in terms of scope and content, significantly nar- decisions on these cases, both from the aspect rower than that contained in Article 31 of the of their validity, scope of application and legal Constitutional Law on the Constitutional Court force, and from the aspect of their application. of the Republic of Croatia, it must be said that, The makers of the Constitution of the Republic as far as obligations, areas of application and of Croatia and the Republic of Kosovo decid- legal force are concerned, it is clear and indis- ed to use legal norms of constitutional force to putable. The key difference in these two solu- determine the obligation, scope of application, tions is related to the issue of enforceability, enforceability and legal force of the decisions of namely how the constitution maker prescribed their constitutional courts. the method of execution (implementation) and That is how the Croatian constitution maker which bodies he entrusted with this duty. While prescribed in Article 31 of the Constitutional the Croatian constitution-maker clearly and Law on the Constitutional Court of the Republic comprehensively prescribed these issues, the of Croatia: “(1) The decisions and the rulings of Kosovo constitution-maker failed to regulate the Constitutional Court are obligatory and ev- them in their entirety, in the Constitution itself. ery individual or legal person shall obey them. However, the aforementioned issues did not re- (2) All bodies of the central government and the main legally completely unsettled. They were local and regional self-government shall, within partially regulated by the Constitutional Court their constitutional and legal jurisdiction, exe- of the Republic of Kosovo itself with its rules of cute the decisions and the rulings of the Con- procedure,84 therefore, a legal act whose pro- stitutional Court.(3) The Government of the visions have lower legal force than those that Republic of Croatia ensures, through the bodies have the character of a constitutional norm. In of central administration, the execution of the terms of content, these provisions of the Rules decisions and the rulings of the Constitutional of Procedure of the Constitutional Court of the Court.(4) The Constitutional Court might deter- Republic of Kosovo are coherent (aligned) with mine which body is authorized for the execution the solutions that were foreseen and prescribed See in detail article 66 of the Rules of Procedure of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, “Official Gazette” 84  number 18/18. 229 for this issue by the Croatian constitution maker ering that their generally binding character is in his Constitutional Law on the Constitutional prescribed by the norm of constitutional force, Court of the Republic of Croatia. However, un- they themselves have the force of law in the area like the Constitutional Court of the Republic of of their operation; c) the decisions or rulings of Croatia, the Constitutional Court of the Repub- the constitutional courts of these countries are lic of Kosovo does not (not even on the basis of final and no legal remedy can be profitably ap- its Rules of Procedure) have the right to “des- plied to them in the area of their validity. ignate the body to which it entrusts the imple- These characteristics of the decisions, namely mentation of its decision, namely ruling.” But it rulings of the constitutional courts of the Re- (like the Constitutional Court of the Republic of public of Croatia and the Republic of Kosovo, are Croatia) can (but does not have to) determine of exceptional importance for all the values that the manner of implementation of its decision, are protected by them, as well as for the rights namely ruling. In fact, it was left to both con- and freedoms of members of national minori- stitutional courts to make a free judgment as to ties and their communities. In fact, only through whether or not it is necessary to determine the their implementation (realization) in real life it manner of implementation of their decision. can be established that the constitutional courts When deciding whether to prescribe the man- have achieved their goal and fulfilled the task ner of implementation of its decision or ruling, entrusted to them, namely achieved the protec- the Constitutional Court will be guided by all tion of these rights and freedoms. By giving this relevant circumstances from real life that may position to the decisions, namely rulings of the affect the prescription of the manner of imple- constitutional courts within their constitutional mentation of its decision or ruling, on the one legal systems, the constitution makers of both hand, and on the other hand, the requirements countries confirmed their intention to give the that are conditioned and related to the respect constitutional courts the final task of protecting and protection of the rule of law, as well as the the rights and freedoms of members of nation- associated legal certainty and overall credibil- al minorities and their communities. Identical ity and enforceability of the constitutional and to the one that they determined by assigning legal order in the country. On the basis of such to them the task of being the final body in the circumstances and initial positions, the Consti- area of their activity that protects all other con- tutional Court will explain why it prescribes the stitutionally prescribed and guaranteed human manner of implementation of its decision. rights and freedoms of every person in the area Based on the aforementioned provisions, we can of their jurisdiction. conclude: a) decisions and rulings of the consti- How important is the issue of respecting and im- tutional courts of the Republic of Croatia and plementing decisions, namely rulings of constitu- the Republic of Kosovo are legal acts of general tional courts in general, including in the area of binding force for all natural and legal persons protecting the rights and freedoms of members in the territory of their respective states. These of national minorities and their communities, for are legal acts that operate erga omnes and ev- the implementation of the entire constitutional le- eryone is obliged to respect them; b) consid- gal order based on the value of the rule of law was 230 noted by Mr. Johann Sattler, head of the Europe- constitutional courts, they cannot and will not an Union delegation in Bosnia and Herzegovina,at accept this. This is precisely why all competent the recent conference on the ”Enforcement of De- bodies, each within their constitutionally and cisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and legally determined scope of work, undertake, in Herzegovina” held in Jahorina, Bosnia and Herze- accordance with the constitution and the law, govina, on 13 and 14 June 2023,. He then pointed the necessary measures and actions to imple- out that the respect and implementation of the ment the decisions of the Constitutional Court decisions of the Constitutional Court is the fourth in social life. This particularly applies to those criterion out of fourteen, which should be fulfilled decisions, namely rulings of constitutional as a prerequisite for European integration. In this courts that protect human rights and freedoms, regard, the execution of the decisions of the con- including the rights and freedoms of members stitutional courts “is not only technical, but also of national minorities and their communities. an issue that has deep political implications,” Sat- When it comes to decisions, namely rulings of the tler said. According to him, in every democratic Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia society, disobeying the judgments of the Constitu- that it has rendered, either in the field of abstract tional Court has profound consequences because control of the constitutional review of laws or the it practically means lawlessness.85 If we apply constitutionality and legality of other regulations, that point of view to the non-execution of the de- or in the field of concrete protection of the rights cisions of the constitutional courts related to the and freedoms of members of national minorities protection of the rights and freedoms of members and their communities, based on the constitution- of national minorities and their communities, al complaint, the Constitutional Court of the Re- then we can rightly say: a) that lawlessness reigns public of Croatia has no decisions of its own that in real social relations in that area; and b) that a have not been executed. good normative constitutional legal framework for the protection of the rights and freedoms of members of national minorities and their com- VI. Conclusion munities is just a dead letter. A mere formal-legal Legal regulation and protection of the status, utopia that is not respected and implemented in rights and freedoms of members of national mi- real social relations. norities and their communities and their reali- It is understandable, in itself, that all states zation is one of the important indicators of the and their bodies that have an established con- acceptance and implementation of the highest stitutional legal order based on the values, democratic standards in specific countries in- principles and ideals of a democratic society habited by multinational populations. of human (and minority) rights and freedoms, Modern constitutional and legal orders of dem- as well as the rule of law and the separation of ocratic states recognize and legally regulate the powers, have such consequences due to non-ex- status, rights and freedoms and protection of ecution of decisions, namely rulings of their See in detail the article by V. B., published by Hina, on 13 June 2023 under the title: “The authorities in Bosnia and Herzego- 85  vina do not respect the judgments of the Constitutional Court, and the prosecutor’s office does not react”, at: https://www. tportal.hr/ 231 members of national minorities and their com- about which, at its level, there is still no agree- munities, as a rule, in the same way as they reg- ment and generally acceptable positions. ulate human rights and freedoms. As a rule, they Furthermore, the paper pays the necessary are regulated, guaranteed and protected by norms attention to the role of constitutional courts of constitutional force, or they are basically regu- in protecting the constitutionally guaranteed lated by such norms, while their elaboration is left rights and freedoms of members of national mi- to laws passed by a qualified majority. norities and their communities, both through Considering the compactness and mutual com- the implementation of abstract control of the patibility and the specific features of its legal constitutionality and legality of laws and other arrangement within the framework of the con- regulations that govern them in a general way, stitutional legal order, this part of the constitu- as well as in specific cases their protection on tional legal order can be singled out and, for di- the basis of a constitutional complaint submit- dactic and scientific-theoretical reasons, called ted by citizens and legal entities to the consti- the constitutional legal framework for the regu- tutional court, considering that their individual lation and protection of the rights and freedoms and/or collective rights have been violated. of members of national minorities and their In addition, concrete examples of the protection communities. of the rights and freedoms of members of na- Such a possibility arises from the normative con- tional minorities and their communities from tent of the constitutional and legal systems of the the practice of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Kosovo Republic of Croatia are given in the paper from with regard to this subject of their regulation. the aspect of both possibilities of proceedings Their constitutional and legal frameworks for the before the Constitutional Court in the perfor- legal arrangement of positions, rights and free- mance of these responsibilities. doms, their realization and protection of mem- The paper does not deal with concrete examples bers of national minorities and their communi- from the practice of the Constitutional Court of ties, viewed from the aspect of compliance of their the Republic of Kosovo, due to the author’s be- normative content with the legal regulations of lief that at this Convention, if necessary, judges the international community that regulate these of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of areas of social relations, belong to the highest Kosovo will write and speak about it. range that are in that area achieved by individual At the end, the paper points out the importance countries in the world to date. of the execution of decisions, namely, decisions The paper shows how the Republic of Croatia of constitutional courts in general, including in and the Republic of Kosovo regulated and pro- this area. In particular, indicating the impor- tected the status, rights and freedoms of their tance of their execution for the achievement citizens, members of national minorities and of accepted democratic standards and the rule their communities with their constitutional le- of law and legal security in the social and state gal frameworks. Especially from the aspect of community. elaborating certain specifics that are still points of debate in the international community and 232  Fjala e z. Osman Kadriu, Gjyqtar i Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Republikës së Maqedonisë së Veriut1 SUNDIMI I SË DREJTËS, DEMOKRACIA DHE TË DREJTAT E NJERIUT Komponent i veçantë i temës – sundimi i së dre- Shtruarja e problemit jtës, demokracia dhe të drejtat e njeriut, është ai i cili ka të bëjë me të drejtat e njeriut, siguria Nga vetë emërtimi i temës vërehen edhe fjalët dhe mbrojtja e tyre juridike. Kjo aq më tepër – kyçe të saj. Ato janë, nën një, s drejta; nën dy, a fortiori kur dihet se nga shkalla e respektimit sundimi i së drejtës; nën tre, demokracia; dhe dhe realizimit të të drejtave të njeriut vlerëso- nën katër, të drejtat e njeriut. Fjalët kyçe janë het edhe shkalla e demokracisë në një shtet, në faktikisht institucionet juridikë, por edhe poli- çdo shtet demokratik. Vlerësuar vetëm nga ky tikë që kanë të bëjnë me sundimin e së drejtës, të aspekt dhe kriter konkluzioni është i qartë se demokracisë dhe si institucion i veçantë është ai tema në fjalë është tejet komplekse. i cili i referohet të drejtave dhe lirive themelore të njeriut dhe të qytetarit respektivisht shtetasit Kompleksiteti i temës në fjalë nxjerr në pah edhe (në vazhdim të tekstit – të drejtat e njeriut).1 çështjet që kanë të bëjnë edhe me sundimin e së drejtës dhe të vetë demokracisë. Kjo nga shkaku Pa dyshim se trajtimi i temës në brendinë e saj se nocioni i sundimit të së drejtës ngërthen një ngërthen një muri të çështjeve dhe të pyetjeve me relevancë të veçantë, pyetjeve të cilat janë muri të çështjeve prej të cilave shumë prej tyre aktuale në jetën e përditëshme gati të çdo shteti janë të debatueshme, të mos themi edhe të kon- bashëkohor dhe në veçanti të atyre shteteve të testueshme. Janë të debatueshme në shkencë, cilat përcaktohen për një demokraci të plotë re- sidomos ajo juridike dhe politike, nga njëra anë, spektivisht për një demokraci të vërtetë. kurse në rregullimin e tyre në të drejtën pozi- Contribution as originally delivered in Albanian. 1 233 tive, qoftë ajo nacionale ose ndërkombëtare, një çështje e cila është gjithmonë aktuale. Në hasim edhe në dallime të ndryshme lidhur me këtë vështrim, të drejtat e njeriut elaborohen brendinë e sundimit të së drejtës, qofshin ato në dy nivele, dhe atë, nën një, përcaktimi dhe edhe në nuanca, nga ana tjetër. rregullimi i të drejtave të njeriut me norma kushtetuese; dhe nën dy, mbrojtja juridike e tyre Çështja e demokracisë përfaqëson fenomen në kuadër të mbrojtjes juridike, në këtë punim shoqëror me një domethënie relevante. Në bëhet përpjekje për shqyrtimin e kësaj çështje kuadër të temës elaborohet vetëm një segment në veçanti në kuadër të mbrojtjes kushtetuese i saj, qoftë ai të jetë i përgjithshëm dhe i – gjyqësore. përgjithësuar. Segmenti ka të bëjë me raportin e demokracisë me liritë dhe të drejtat e njeriut Për çështje e përmendura do të përqendrohemi si dhe raporti i sundimit të së drejtës me në një nivel adekuat dhe natyrisht në suazat e demokracinë. Nga këto raporte me rëndësi janë hapësirës e cila i mundësohet punimit në fjalë. të nënvizohen, përveç tjerash, pasojat juridike dhe politike. Pasojat paraqiten në dy nivele 1 Diçka rreth mendimeve ose lloje, dhe ato: nën një, në qoftë se në një të ndryshme të parimit të shtet nuk zbatohet sundimi i së drejtës nuk ka sundimit të së drejtës demokraci; dhe nën dy, në qoftë se në një shtet demokratik nuk gëzohen të drejtat dhe liritë e Që të kuptohet nocioni i sundimit të së drejtës njeriut, po ashtu nuk ka demokraci. paraprakisht është e nevojshme të shpjegohet çështja e mendimeve rreth nocionit në fjalë, Për një pasqyrim sa më të plotë të temës në fjalë, domethënë sundimi i së drejtës, nga njëra, dhe në vazhdim të këtij punimi jemi në mendim të nocionit – shteti juridik, nga ana tjetër. Men- shpalosen çështjet që janë në lidhje të ngushtë dimet janë të ndryshme. Secili mendim me ar- me këtë problematikë. Veçojmë disa prej tyre. gumente konkrete e shpalos mbrojtjen e tezës Sundimi i së drejtës është pyetje kyçe ose më të ekzistencës ose vis a vis të mosekzistencës të mirë me thënë pyetje e cila në brendinë e saj dallimit ndërmjet nocioneve “shteti juridik” dhe ngërthehen një mori të çështjeve konkrete. Për atij që emërtohet “sundimi i së drejtës”. Çështja kuptimin e sundimit të së drejtës, së pari është e mendimeve të ndryshme është aktuale edhe e nevojshme të shpjegohet çështja e mendimeve në të drejtën bashkëkohore.2 të ndryshme rreth termeve “shteti juridik” dhe “sundimi i së drejtës”. Në lidhje me çështjen e mendimeve të ndryshme, në teorinë e së drejtës kushtetuese hasim në tre Pyetje me relevancë janë edhe ato që kanë të pikëpamje respektivisht në tre mendime. Sipas bëjnë me sundimin e së drejtës si kusht për një mendimi i cili mbështetet me argumente funksionimin e demokracisë si sistem politik i konkrete, ekziston dallimi ndërmjet “shtetit qeverisjes. Ajo që është fundamentale ka të bëjë juridik” dhe “sundimit të së drejtës”. Dallimi me demokracinë në një vend dhe gëzimin e të ekziston jo vetëm në kuptimin terminologjik drejtave të njeriut. por edhe në kuptimin e përmbajtjes të nocione- Të drejtat e njeriut janë materie kushtetuese ve në fjalë. Me kalimin e kohës, ky dallim bëhet – materia constitutionem. Kemi të bëjmë me Prof. Dr. Pavle Nikoliq, E drejta kushtetuese, Beograd, 1995, f. 345. 2 234 edhe më i vërejtur. Konform këtij mendimi, posedojnë në brendinë e tyre veç e veç. ndërmjet “sundimit të së drejtës” angleze dhe Filluar nga këto rrethana, institucioni “shteti “shtetit juridik” gjerman – Rechtsstaat, nuk ka juridik” lind në shtetin gjerman në shekullin asgjë të përbashkët.3 XIX. Shteti juridik – Rechtsstaat në Gjermani vendoset si kundërtezë e shtetit policor në këtë shtet. Edhe diçka që të kuptohet vendosja e shtetit Vlerësohet në veçanti edhe juridik në Gjermani. Së pari duhet theksuar se pikëpamja e dytë. Sipas normat juridike i sjellë shteti. Me normat juri- pikëpamjes së dytë mbrohet dike të shtetit, vetë shteti dhe funksionimi i tij teza se shprehjet “shteti juri- organizohet me ato norma. Normat juridike, dik” dhe “sundimi i së drejtës” ose me thënë më mirë, të drejtën që e krijon përdoren si sinonime, që do të shteti ai edhe e sanksionon. Vlerësuar nga ky thotë kanë një domethënie.4 aspekt, çdo shtet është shtet juridik. Në këtë rast, nocioni shtet juridik përdoret në kuptimin Sipas mendimit të tretë, dallime esenciale themelor. ndërmjet institucioneve në fjalë nuk ka. Shte- Por, vendosja e shtetit juridik në kuptimin e ti juridik në verzionin anglosakson është sun- problematikës e cila trajtohet në këtë punim, dimi i së drejtës – rule of law.5 Në këtë kuptim ka domethënie tjetër e cila dallohet nga kuptimi në literaturën juridike jo rrallë përdoret edhe themelor i nocionit në fjalë. Vendosja e shtetit mendimi se termi juridik që ka të bëjë me juridik në Gjermani ka pasur për qëllim qo poli- sundimin e së drejtës është shpikje juridike.6 cia t’i nënshtrohet ligjit. Me parimet e shtetit Nga kjo që u theksua, vetëm në aspektin for- juridik në këtë kuptim bëhet kufizimi i pushtetit malo juridik vërehen disa dallime ndërmjet ter- administrativ dhe kufizohet mvetësia e saj.7 meve “shteti juridik” dhe “sundimi i së drejtës”. Prandaj, shteti juridik faktikisht dhe juridikisht Dallimet vërehen në çështje siç janë: nën një, i kundërvihet shtetit policor. Edhe shteti policor paraqitja e tyre në vende të ndryshme; nën dy, në një mënyrë ka qenë shtet juridik por në ush- paraqitja në periudha konkrete kohore; nën tre, trimin e pushtetit ka ushtruar pushtet të paku- secili prej këtyre institucioneve në paraqitjen fizuar si në kuptimin formal, po ashtu, edhe në e tyre ka qenë i kushtëzuar dhe i determinuar kuptimin përmbajtësor – materialo juridik.8 me kushtet historike; dhe nën katër, nocionet Sistemi juridik me atributet e sundimit të së dre- në fjalë dallohen nga numri i institucioneve që i Mendimi në fjalë mbrohet edhe nga Lidija Basta Flajner, vepra Politika në kufijtë e së drejtës, Beograd, 2012, f. 115 – 116. 3 Për mendimin e dytë, më konkretisht Laurent Richer, Les droits de l’homme et du citoyen. (Vepra është cituar në librin e Prof. 4 Pavle Nikoliq, po aty). Për këtë mendim edhe tek autori Zharko Puhoski, vepra Mundësitë e shtetit juridik në Jugosllavi, në librin Shteti juridik, f. 48. 5 Grup i autorëve, The concis Oxford Distionary of policies (vepra është e përkthyer në gjuhën shqipe – Fjalor Përmbëledhës i 6 Politikës, Tiranë, 1996, f. 284). Për këtë Dr. Radomir Llukiq, Për shtetin juridik, Beograd, 1991, f. 11. 7 Më gjerësisht, Dr. Vlladan Kutleshiq, Fillet e së drejtës, Beograd, 2005, f. 303 – 304. 8 235 jtës – rule of law, vendoset në Angli. Përkrahës të së drejtës shprehet edhe me termin juridik i flaktë i sundimit të së drejtës në Angli ka qenë “kushtetutshmëri”. Në këtë kontekst, me no- profesori i së drejtës kushtetuese Alfred Daj- cionin kushtetutshmëri nënkuptojmë nënsh- si (A. V. Dicey). Dajsi në veçanti e ka zhvilluar trimin e shtetit dhe organeve shtetëror të drejtës doktrinën për sundimin e së drejtës.9 objektive. Ky nënshtrim vlen edhe për individët që ato të gjithë të respektojnë Kushtetutën e Nga kjo që u theksua si më sipër, vendlindja e vendit dhe ligjet e tij. Shteti i krijon normat ju- shtetit juridik është Gjermania, kurse vendlindja ridike. Është në pyetje, pra, e drejta shtetërore. e sundimit të së drejtës është Anglia. Nga kriteri Me normat juridike shteti e rregullon orga- materialo juridik, siç u përmend, nuk ka dallime nizimin e tij si dhe punën dhe veprimet e or- ndërmjet institucioneve në fjalë. Përkundra- ganeve të tij. Me normat shtetërore shteti bën zi, të shumta janë pikat lidhëze ndërmjet tyre. vetëkufizim.10 Prandaj, në teorinë e së drejtës kushtetuese përkrahet dhe mbizotëron pikëpamja se insti- Në ushtrimin e pushtetit organet përkatëse tucionet në fjalë janë sinonime. Konkluzioni nuk vendosin sipas vullnetit të tyre por sipas është i qartë. Nëqoftëse sundimi i së drejtës së drejtës objektive të shtetit. Edhe diçka, shte- është koncepcion anglez, shteti evropian është ti sikurse me norma juridike e rregullon orga- ide evropiane kontinentale. nizimin e vetë shtetit dhe punën e organeve shtetërorë, po ashtu i përcakton edhe kufijtë e Nga shkaqet e përmendura dhe arsyeja e pushtetit në raport me të drejtat dhe liritë qytet- elaboruar si më sipër, në vazhdim të tekstit do are. Për këtë çështje norma më e lartë juridike të përqendrohemi në sundimin e së drejtës. emërtohet “kushtetutë”.11 2 Sundimi i së drejtës dhe Niveli i dytë i trajtimit të sundimit të së drejtës parimet e tij ka edhe një pikëpamje dhe qasje tejet cilësore. Me nocionin – sundimi i së drejtës mund të Sundimi i së drejtës është temë me një mori të kuptohet se ai duhet të jetë edhe instrumen- çështjeve të fushave të ndryshme shkencore siç ti juridik për vlerësimin e vlefshmërisë dhe të janë ajo filozofike, politike dhe juridike. Përqen- drejtësisë të së drejtës. Fjala është për ekstra drohemi në fushën juridike e cila ka interesim norma juridike në kuptimin e një ideali politik. të veçantë për studimin e institucionit, pra, të Edhe në të drejtën krahasuese hasim në men- sundimit të së drejtës. dime të qarta për vlerësimin e së drejtës pozitive Në të drejtën kushtetuese në dy nivele shpjeg- nga aspekti dhe kriteri i drejtësisë. Në këtë dre- ohet sundimi i së drejtës. Së pari, në aspektin jtim, mendimtari Fridrih Hajek prononcohet formalo juridik; dhe niveli i dytë ka të bëjë me se sundimi i së drejtës është kriter (masë) për vlerësimin e së drejtës konform institucionit të vlerësimin e vlefshmërisë të drejtës pozitive. Në sundimit të së drejtës. Përmbajtja e sundimit këtë kontekst, autori në fjalë thotë se sundimi i 9 Albert ven Dicey, Introduction to the study of the law of the Constitution, London, 1956, f. 163 dhe në vazhdim. 10  Mendimtari i njohur Leon Dygi e kundërshton teorinë që shteti me normat juridike që ai vetë i sjellë të bëjë edhe vetëku- fizimin e vet. Për këtë në veprën a autorit Leon Duguit, Traité de droit constitutionnel, Paris, 1923, f. 592. 11  Më gjerësisht, Prof. Dr. Ratko Markoviq, E drejta kushtetuese dhe institucionet politike, Beograd, 1995, f. 601. 236 së drejtës nënkupton “ligjshmëri të plotë”. Por E drejta duhet të harmonizohet me drejtësinë. kjo, thotë ai, nuk mjafton. Kështu për shembull, Drejtësia është parimi më i lartë dhe si parim nëqoftëse ligji i mundëson Qeverisë së vendit përfaqëson kriterin (masën) për vlerësimin e pushtet të pakufizuar që ajo të sjellë akte si to saktësisë respektivisht të drejtësisë së ligjeve dojë, aktet e saj janë ligjorë, por me gjithë12 atë, pozitivë.14 siç mund të ndodh, mund të jenë në kundërsh- tim me sundimin e së drejtës. 3 E drejta kushtetuese dhe të Në hapësirat e ish Jugosllavisë, shkrimtari juri- drejtat e njeriut dik Kosta Çavoshki shprehet qartë për sundimin Të drejtat e njeriut janë të drejta morale dhe të e së drejtës. Sipas tij, sundimi i së drejtës nuk patjetërsueshme. Kanë përmbajtje humanitare. përfaqëson sundimin e ligjeve të çfarëdoshme... Parimet e të drejtave të njeriut janë formuluar por sundimin e atyre ligjeve siç duhet të jenë, nga fundi i shekullit XVIII në Deklaratat revo- pra, të atyre që përfaqësojnë idealin politik. lucionare françeze dhe të atyre amerikane, në Konorfm këtyre pikëpamjeve lirisht mund kohën e luftërave për pavarësi të SHBA. Më të konkludohet se sundimi i së drejtës është vonë të drejtat e njeriut janë vërtetuar nga Orga- diçka më e lartë se sundimi i ligjeve pozitivë, nizata e Kombeve të Bashkuara me akte – doku- duke përfshirë edhe vetë Kushtetutën e vendit. mente ndërkombëtare. Akti më i rëndësishëm i Sundimi i së drejtës nuk është vetëm “kushte- OKB është Deklarata Univerzale e të Drejtave të tutshmëri dhe ligjshmëri e thejshtë”, siç poho- Njeriut, viti 1948. Kjo Deklaratë, kur flitet për jnë juristët pozitivist. Sundimi i së drejtës është të drejtat e njeriut, përfaqëson faktikisht kodifi- rend i lirisë. E drejta pozitive vlen dhe zbatohet kimin e parë të të drejtave të njeriut.15 me qenë se është në përputhje me parimet e Me garantimin e të drejtave të njeriut vërteto- idealit politik. het pozita juridike e individëve në raport me or- ganet e shtetit. Të drejtat e njeriut përcaktojnë kufirin të cilin pushteti shtetëror nuk mund t’a Nga karakteristikat e për- kapërcen, nëqoftëse shteti është i organizuar mbi mendura, sundimi i së drejtës parimet e demokracisë. Dhe kur jemi te nocioni i është sinonim i bashkësisë demokracisë, edhe diçka. Demokracia në një vend demokratike; është rend i lir- është institucion i gjerë. Definohet se është sistem isë dhe me parimet e sundimit politik i qeverisjes në një vend. Si sistem politik të së drejtës sigurohen të dre- është në gjendje të siguron: nën një, barazi poli- jtat individuale.13 tike; nën dy, mbrojtje të lirive dhe të drejtave të njeriut; nën tre, mbrojtje të interesave të përbash- Hayek Friedrich A., The Constitution od Liberty (The University of Chicago Press), Chicago, 1960, në më shumë faqe. 12  Për këtë mendim edhe te mendimtari, R. L. Sharwood. Mendimet e këtij mendimtari janë cituar në veprën e Prof. Dr. Ratko 13  Markoviq, po aty. Gjorgjo del Vekio: E drejta, drejtësia dhe shteti (vepra e tij është përkthyer në gjuhën serbe: Pravo, pravda i drzhava), Beo- 14  grad, 1940, f. 1. Më konkretisht, Deklarata Univerzale për të Drejtat e Njeriut, viti 1948. 15  237 këta; nën katër, të siguron plotësimin e nevojave Ajo që është me rëndësi të theksohet është dhe të qytetarëve; dhe nën pesë, të siguron vendosje ka të bëjë me atë se të drejtat dhe liritë themelore që në mënyrë të barabartë të plotësohen interesat të njeriut dhe të qytetarit (të shtetasit) përcak- e individëve. Fenomeni demokraci ngërthen edhe tohen dhe rregullohen vetëm me Kushtetutën e atribute tjerë, kurse këto që u përmendën kanë vendit dhe normat kushtetuese. Pra, çështja e të relevancë të veçantë. 16 drejtave të njeriut është materie kushtetuese – materia constitutionis. Me vetë faktin se të dre- Nga kjo që u theksua si më lart, demokracia nuk jtat e njeriut rregullohen me aktin më të lartë shpie vetëm në të drejtat e njeriut. Por, është juridik të vendit lind edhe konkluzioni juridik evidente se pa garancën dhe realizimin e të dre- për rëndësinë dhe relevancën e tyre që kanë në jtave të njeriut nuk ka demokraci. Diçka edhe një shtet me demokraci të vërtetë. në vazhdim. Të drejtat e njeriut, sikurse edhe vetë Kushtetuta, është pengesa e pushtetit arbi- Dy tendenca, sidomos, vërehen në kushtetutat trar dhe absolut të pushtetit të papërgjegjshëm. bashkëkohore dhe qasja që ka kushtetutvënë- Prandaj, në të drejtën kushtetuese theksohet si i një vendi kur janë në pyetje të drejtat e se të drejtat e njeriut janë instrumenti për ku- njeriut dhe garantimi i tyre. Tendenca e parë, fizimin e pushtetit shtetëror. Të drejtat e njeriut e cila edhe realizohet, ka të bëjë me faktin se janë e drejta e qëndresës ndaj pushtetit. Ato për të drejtat e njeriut dhe rregullimin e tyre janë liritë e qëndresës – libertés résistances.17 me Kushtetutë, ato kanë përparësi në kraha- sim me rregullimin e pushtetit shtetëror dhe Vlerësuar nga kriteri i parashkrimit dhe të ga- organizimin e tij, si dhe në krahasim me për- rancës të të drejtave të njeriut, në një pjesë të caktimin e organeve tjerë ose të çështjeve nga doktrinës juridike bëhet distinksioni ndërmjet lëmitë politike, ekonomike dhe shoqërore. Kjo shtetit liberal, nën një, dhe atij totalitar, nën dy. risi jo rastësisht theksohet. Në sistemet njëpar- Shteti është liberal kur u mundëson qytetarëve tiakë, ndodht e kundërta – vice versa. Në një “zonë” të lirë dhe më të gjerë të aktiviteteve kushtetutat e asaj periudhe, përparësi kishte privatë. Sikurse shprehet mendimtari Moris Di- përcaktimi dhe rregullimi i pushtetit shtetëror verzhe, shteti u mundëson qytetarëve një “fus- dhe me dispozita tejet të prgjithësuara kushte- hë – lëmi të rezervuar”, fushë në të cilën shteti tutvënësi parashikonte edhe rregullimin për të nuk mund të intervenojë.18 Nga ana tjetër, shte- drejtat e njeriut. ti është totalitar kur synon të intervenon në të gjitha fushat e marrëdhënieve në shoqëri dhe Tendenca e dytë, që faktikisht bëhet realitet, kur nuk e pranon dallimin ndërmjet jetës pri- kushtetutat bashkëkohore përcaktojnë një kat- vate dhe asaj publike. alog, parimisht, të gjerë të të drejtave të njeriut. Kjo ka një rëndësi të veçantë për sundimin e së Pikëpamjet e shkencave juridike, në veçanti ato drejtës. Në të drejtën kushtetuese theksohet se të së drejtës kushtetuese, implementohen në sa më i gjerë të jetë katalogu i të drejtave dhe lir- kushtetutat bashkëkohore. Për këtë më gjerësisht Dejvi Held, Global Transformation. Politika, 1999, në më shumë faqe dhe Entoni Gigens, Sociology, 16  Beograd, 2001, f. 425. Prof. Dr. Ratko Markoviq, vepra e cituar, f. 555. 17  Maurice Dyverger, Le système politique français, PUF, 1986, f. 421 dhe në vazhdim. 18  238 ive të njeriut, në atë masë ose proporcionalitet e organeve dhe të institucioneve përkatëse të bëhet edhe kufizimi i pushtetit shtetëror. shtetit dhe intervenimi i tyre për mbrojtjen e të drejtave të njeriut në kuadër të kompetencave Kushtetuta e Republikës së Maqedonisë së Ve- që kanë. Prej organeve shtetërorë, në mbrojtjen riut,19 viti 1991, i përcakton, rregullon dhe ga- e të drejtave të njeriut, kompetencë të theksuar ranton të drejtat dhe liritë themelore me një kanë: gjyqësori i vendit; Gjykata Kushtetuese; mori të dispozitave kushtetuese. Dhe më konk- Avokati i Popullit (Ombudsman persona); dhe retisht, nga numri i përgjithshëm i dispozitave shumë institucione dhe komisione tjerë. kushtetuese (134 nene), 1/3 e dispozitave u përkushtohen të drejtave dhe lirive themelore Përcaktohemi shkurtimisht për Gjyqësinë të njeriut dhe të qytetarit.20 Kushtetuese. Ajo që në veçanti është e rëndësishme për të drejtat e njeriut si dhe përcaktimi dhe rregul- 4 Gjykatat kushtetuese dhe limi i tyre me norma kushtetuese, ka të bëjë me sundimi i së drejtës sigurimin e tyre që ato të realizohen. Qytetari, 4.1 Temat hyrëse pra, t’i gëzon në jetën e përditshme. Për këtë çështje, në të drejtën kushtetuese, me të dre- Gjykata Kushtetuese e një vendi ka kompe- jtë apostrofohet një mendim. Thuhet se për një tencë të pakapërcyeshme dhe rol të pazëvendë- shtet demokratik, në të cilin sundon e drejta, sueshëm në mbrojtjen e të drejtave të njeriut. është shumë e rëndësishme, shteti të siguron Mënyrat e shkeljes të të drejtave të njeriut janë mjete dhe mekanizma juridikë për mbrojtjen të ndryshme dhe, mjerisht, të shumta. Në çdo e të drejtave të njeriut. Kjo qasje është më e lëmi të marrëdhënieve shoqërore ndodhin rëndësishme se sa që në Kushtetutë të vendosen lëndime, cënime, shkelje ose kontestime të të drejtat dhe liritë. ndryshme kur janë në pyetje të drejtat e njeriut dhe mosrealizimi i tyre. Duke marrë parasysh Nga kjo që u theksua dhe si rrjedhojë, pasoja mënyrat e cënimeve të të drejtave të njeriut është e qartë. Nëqoftëse shteti nuk i siguron dhe llojet e tyre, nga aspekti i kompetencave mjetet juridike, garantimi i të drejtave të njeriut të Gjykatave Kushtetuese, në dy mënyra, në mungon. Garantim nuk ka. Vetëm vendosja e veçanti paraqitet shkelja e të drejtave të njeriut të drejtave të njeriut në Kushtetutë ngel si një dhe nevoja e intervenimit të organit në fjalë. “listë e dëshirave të mira në letër”, por pa real- Mënyra e parë është shkelja e të drejtave me akt izim.21 normativ i sjellë nga organi kompetent i shtetit Nga kjo që u theksua si më sipër, në kushtetu- dhe i cili akt, konform Kushtetutës i nënshtro- tat bashkëkohore parashikohet edhe mundësia het kontrollit kushtetues. Mënyra e dytë është juridike për mbrojtje juridike të të drejtave të shkelja e të drejtave të njeriut me akt individual njeriut. Garantimi sigurohet me përcaktimin Kushtetuta e RMV është Kushetuta e parë e sistemit pluralist. Është miratuar më 17.11.1991. Kushetuta është botuar në 19  “Gazetën zyrtare të RM” nr. 52/1991. Për këtë, dispozitat e neneve 9 – 60 të Kushtetutës, viti 1991, dhe në veprën e autorit, Rregullimi kushtetues i Maqedonisë së 20  Veriut, Kërçovë, 2019, f. 77 – 154. Më konkretisht për mbrojtjen e të drejtave dhe lirive të njeriut, vepra e cituar e autorit, f. 155 – 169. 21  239 ose veprim individual i ndërmarrë nga ndonjë dhe të vërtetohet se me këto akte janë cënuar të organ i shtetit. drejtat për struktura konkrete të qytetarëve në një vend, kontrolli shpie në kontekst gjyqësor Për këto dy mënyra të shkeljeve të të drejtave, kushtetues. Në rast se konstatohet cënimi i sun- çështja e mbrojtjes së tyre trajtohet në kuadër dimit të së drejtës, Gjykata Kushtetuese vendos të dy kompetencave të Gjykatës Kushtetuese. dhe bën anulimin e aktit. Me anulimin e ligjit Kompetenca e parë titullohet kushtetutshmëria ose të akteve konkretë, struktura e qytetarëve të dhe ligjshmëria, kurse ajo e dyta është kompe- dëmtuar e fiton të drejtën e shpërblimit. tenca që ka të nëj dhe i dedikohet mbrojtjes të të drejtave të njeriut para organit në fjalë. 4.1.2 Mbrojtja e të drejtave të njeriut para gjykatave kushtetuese 4.1.1 Kushtetutshmëria dhe ligjshmëria, kompetencë me relevancë Siç është e njohur, mbrojtja e të drejtave të njeriut para gjykatave kushtetuese është kom- Në kushtetutat bashkëkohore kompeten- petencë e veçantë. Shkelja e të drejtave të nje- ca e parë, gati pa përjashtime, është kushte- riut, për të cilën shkelje Gjykata Kushtetuese ka tutshmëria dhe ligjshmëria e akteve juridikë. kompetencë, mund të ndodhë me akt ose vep- Në literaturën juridike për këtë kompetencë në rim individual të organit konkret të shtetit.23 përdorim është edhe termi juridik – kontrol- li normativ. Në kuadër të kësaj kompetence, Kuvendi i Republikës së Maqedonisë së Ve- Gjykata Kushtetuese e vendit bën vlerësimin riut akoma nuk ka miratuar ligj për Gjykatën kushtetues të ligjeve, të akteve nënligjorë dhe Kushtetuese. Në mungesë të ligjit, Gjykata të akteve tjerë të përgjithshëm të cilat, konform Kushtetuese me Rregulloren e saj, e miratuar në Kushtetutës, i nënshtrohen kontrollit.22 vitin 1992, i ka rregulluar edhe çështjet që kanë të bëjnë me mbrojtjen e të drejtave dhe lirive Ajo që është risi e kësaj kompetence, kontrol- të njeriut para këtij organi. Në këtë kuptim, me li kushtetues i akteve është kontroll abstrakt. Rregulloren e Gjykatës janë përcaktuar kushtet Të shumta janë rastet kur gjykata Kushtetuese dhe procedura për mbrojtjen e të drejtave të konstaton se me një ligj konkret, në tërësi ose njeriut. Disa prej kushteve janë: nën një, akti ndonjë dispozitë e tij (një ose më shumë), janë ose veprimi individual i ndërmarrë nga organi cënuar normat kushtetuese. Prej normave konkret të jetë i plotfuqishëm. Kjo do të thotë të kushtetuese në veçanti cënohet sundimi i së jenë shterë mjetet juridike para organeve tjerë drejtës si parim kushtetues. Në ato raste Gjyka- të shtetit; dhe nën dy, kërkesa (në mungesë të ta Kushtetuese bën anulimin e ligjit ose të aktit padisë ose ankesës kushtetuese) të ushtrohet në tjetër për të cilin është kërkuar kontrolli norma- afat prej 2 muajsh nga dita kur akti individu- tiv. al ose veprimi është bërë i plotfuqishëm. Ngel Nëqoftëse ndodh që me ligj ose akt tjetër nor- konstatimi i Gjykatës. Në ato raste kur Gjyka- mativ, për të cilin kërkohet kontrolli normativ, Kjo kompetencë për Gjykatën Kushtetuese përcaktohet edhe me kushtetutën e Maqeodonisë së Veriut. Për këtë më konk- 22  retisht, neni 110 alinea 1 dhe 2 të Kushtetutës. Edhe Gjykata Kushtetuese e Maqedonisë së Veriut ka kompetencë të veçantë në mbrojtjen e të drejtave dhe lirive të njeriut. 23  Për këtë, dispozitat e nenit 110 alinea 3 e Kushtetutës, viti 1991. 240 ta Kushtetuese konstaton shkelje të dispozitave anulimi ose abrogimi i akteve ose veprimeve ndaj kushtetuese duke përfshirë edhe sundimin e së të cilave është ushtruar kontrolli kushtetues. drejtës, bën anulimin e aktit ose të veprimit in- Nën tre, në krahasim me ligjet për të cilat shpesh- dividual. Pra, me vendimin e Gjykatës konstato- herë ndodh që organi ligjvënës të parashikon në het shkelja e të drejtave të njeriut. Me të njëjtin dispozitat e fundit dhe kalimtare, institucionin e vendim Gjykata Kushtetuese e obligon organin njohur “ligji në pritje” – vocatio legis, për ven- konkret që të mos përsëritet një shkelje e tillë. dimet e gjykatave kushtetuese ky institucion nuk vjen në shprehje. Vendimet e Gjykatës 4.2 Disa nga karakteristikat e vendimeve Kushtetuese zbatohen menjëherë pas botimit të gjykatave kushtetuese (shpalljes) të tyre në “Gazetën Zyrtare” të vendit. Siç ndodh me çdo organ tjetër, Gjykata Nën katër, veti e veçantë e vendimeve të Gjykatës Kushtetuese për çështjet nga kompetenca e saj Kushtetuese ka të bëjë me faktin se vendimet e sjellë vendime konkretë. Vendimet e gjykatave saj janë “të veshura me tesha të pajisura me kushtetuese posedojnë karakteristika të veçan- pushtet juridik”. Kjo shprehje figurative nënk- ta, në kuptimin e tërësisë të vetive konform të upton se pas vendimeve të Gjykatës Kushtetuese cilave i dallojnë nga vendimet e organeve tjerë dhe për zbatimin e tyre qëndron shteti dhe shtetërorë. aparati shtetëror me forcën shtrënguese të tij. Në Në rrumbullakësimin e këtij punimi veçojmë instancë të fundit, për zbatimin e vendimeve të disa nga karakteristikat më të vërejtura të vendi- Gjykatës Kushtetuese përgjigjet Qeveria e vendit. meve të gjykatave kushtetuese. Ato janë: Dhe në fund, duke marrë parasysh këto veti të Nën një, vendimet e gjykatave kushtetuese janë vendimeve të gjykatave kushtetuese, në Ligjin të formës përfundimtare dhe të ekzekutueshme. për Gjykatën Kushtetuese të Gjermanisë, përveç Kjo do të thotë se kundër vendimeve të gjykat- të tjerash, me dispozitë konkrete theksohet: ave kushtetuese nuk mund të ushtrohen mjete të “vendimet e gjykatës kushtetuese kanë forcën e rregullta ose të jash137tzakonshme juridike. 24 ligjit”. Nën dy, vendimet e Gjykatës Kushtetuese pose- dojnë forcën kasatore. Me vendimet e saj bëhet Për këtë, edhe neni 112 dispozita 2 e Kushtetutës së Maqedonisë së Veriut, viti 1991. 24  241  Contribution by Ms. Christie S. Warren, Professor of the Practice of International and Comparative Law (United States Government Advisor throughout the drafting of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo) THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF KOSOVO IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE E stablished in 2009 pursuant to Chapter 8 of the 2008 Constitution, the Constitution- al Court of Kosovo is the newest constitutional tion to other institutions, including other apex courts; and functioning in post-conflict envi- ronments that may remain fragile, chaotic and court in the Balkan region and one of the most divided. recently created in the world. Directly linked Post-conflict constitutional courts in particular to the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo face a number of unique challenges. They are Status Settlement, also known as the Ahtisaari called upon to establish and embed respect for Plan,1 the Court is a post-conflict institution by the Rule of Law and address thorny post-con- nature. flict issues at the risk of being labeled activist. All post-conflict institutions, including consti- Along with other courts, they must demonstrate tutional courts, face unique challenges that set their role as protectors of human and minori- them apart from institutions operating in other ty rights, particularly in multi-ethnic societies contexts. These challenges include establishing in which conflict was related to ethnicity. A key and maintaining institutional legitimacy, espe- responsibility of the judicial branch in general, cially when acting contrary to popular opinion; and of constitutional courts specifically, is to carving out powers and jurisdiction in rela- serve as role models for delivering equal justice, The blueprint for the Constitutional Court was initially set out in Article 6 of Annex 1 of the Comprehensive Proposal for the 1 Kosovo Status Settlement. 242 not victor’s justice, immediately following con- The Court has exhibited courage in granting flict. jurisdiction in cases that might be considered overly political by other courts. Dissenting The Court’s Legacy opinions are not uncommon, a sign of intellec- tual depth among the justices, who are aware In Kosovo’s immediate post-conflict phase, the that preserving strands of reasoning that may Constitutional Court stepped up to the plate and be unpopular in transitional contexts can nev- met its obligations with resolve and purpose. ertheless provide the basis for evolving juris- prudence in the future when legacies of conflict From its inception, the Court has handled more are less prominent. than 2400 cases2 and issued more than 200 opinions. 151 of the cases were filed by individ- During its first fourteen years, Kosovo’s Con- uals seeking constitutional review of judgments stitutional Court has established itself as the from the Supreme Court; 57 opinions were is- 3 strongest protector of minority rights in the sued in cases referred by various state actors. 4 Balkan region. Significantly, in the 2010 Priz- ren Municipality Case, the Court invalidated re- The Court has also exercised discipline and re- gional symbols that did not represent minority straint, important qualities when establishing groups in a multi-ethnic society, as required by institutional legitimacy. More than 1500 reso- Article 113 of the Constitution and Article 3g of lutions have been issued in which cases and is- Annex II of the Comprehensive Proposal for the sues were found to be inadmissible.5 Kosovo Status Settlement. As compared to other constitutional courts in the region, the Court has fared well. It has benefitted from strong constitutional rigidity, a The Role concept supporting finality of its opinions and of International Law a high level of difficulty in overturning them by The Court has also made its mark with respect way of constitutional or legislative amendment to the application of international law, man- or popular vote. Possessing jurisdictional pow- dated by Articles 19 and 22 of the Constitution, er in thirteen types of cases, Kosovo’s Consti- which state that eight international agreements tutional Court enjoys wider jurisdiction than and instruments are directly applicable and other constitutional courts in the Balkan region. Data contained in this article were accumulated from the Constitutional Court’s website and were current as of October 2023. 2 The right of individual petition for review is provided for in Article 113(7) of the Constitution. It was initially required by Article 3 2.4 of Annex 1 of the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement, which stated “The Constitution shall provide for the right for individuals claiming that the rights and freedoms granted to them under the Constitution have been violated by a public authority to introduce a claim to the Constitutional Court, following the exhaustion of all other remedies.” Parties authorized to refer matters to the Constitutional Court are enumerated in Article 113 of the Constitution. 4 See, for example, Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Visar Ymeri and 11 Other Deputies of the Assembly of the 5 Republic of Kosovo, Constitutional Review of the Law, No. 04/L-199, on Ratification of the First International Agreement of Principles Governing the Normalization of Relations between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of Serbia and the Im- plementation Plan of This Agreement, Judgment in Case No. KO 95/13, 9 September 2013 www.gjk-ks.org/repository/docs/ gjkk_ko_95_13_ang.pdf 243 have priority over all other laws.6 It follows of highest international standards but also con- and applies the jurisprudence of the European tributes to their development through its own Court of Human Rights, but it has also demon- work. strated its commitment to highest international judicial standards by following and applying in- The Constitutional Court as a ternational law even when not required to. The Transformative Institution Court has demonstrated its willingness to seek guidance when facing issues of first impres- As a transformative institution operating in the sion; it has sought and received advice from context of transitioning from conflict to peace, the Venice Commission in at least thirteen cas- the Constitutional Court has approached its es, demonstrating a willingness to conform its work without reservation, rarely sidestepping evolving jurisprudence to the highest interna- issues that might be considered too political by tional standards. Its use of advisory opinions,7 other courts. A few examples include: although not expressly permitted by the Consti- Removal of two presidents and the dissolution tution itself, distinguishes its work from that of of two National Assemblies.8 a number of other, more well-established apex An opinion holding that the election of the courts. Speaker of the Assembly was unconstitutional, The Constitutional Court’s website (https://gjk- resulting in his resignation.9 ks.org/en/ ) makes an important contribution to the growth of international and comparative law. Since the website was created, it has pub- lished its opinions in five languages, thereby making its jurisprudence freely and transpar- ently available to the global community. In this way, the Court not only reflects the application These international laws, which are guaranteed by the Constitution and automatically applicable, are the Universal Decla- 6 ration of Human Rights; the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and its Protocols; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and its Protocols; the Council of Europe Framework Con- vention for the Protection of National Minorities; the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women; the Convention on the Rights of the Child; and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Additionally, Article 19 specifies that any other international agreements ratified by the Republic of Kosovo become part of the internal legal system and are directly applied unless their application requires the promulgation of a law. See, for example, the opinion in the case of The President of the Republic of Kosovo Concerning the Assessment of the Com- 7 patibility of Article 84 (14) (Competencies of the President) with Article 95 (Election of the Government) of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo; Case No. KO 103/14, 1 July 2014. www.gjk-ks.org/repository/docs/gjkk_ko_103_14_ang.pdf. See Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Naim Rrustemi and 31 Deputies of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo 8 Vs. His Excellency President of Kosovo Fatmir Sejdiu Case No. KI 47/10, 12 October 2010. www.gjk-ks.org/repository/docs and Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Sabri Hamiti and Other Deputies, Judgment in Case No. KO 29/11, 22 February 2011 www.gjk-ks.org/repository/docs See Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Applicants Xhavit Haliti and 29 other Deputies of the Assembly of the 9 Republic of Kosovo. Constitutional Review of Decision No. 05-V-001 votes by 83 Deputies of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo on the Election of the President of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo, Dated 17 July 2014, Judgment in Case No. KO119/14 26 August2014 www.gjk-ks.org/repository/docs/gjk_ko_119_14_ang.pdf 244 Rulings on Cooperative Agreements on Asso- uty ministers by at least 40%, holding that the ciation between Kosovo and Serbia, including proposed amendment would have diminished principles intended to guide the Association of rights and freedoms guaranteed in the Consti- Serb Municipalities. 10 tution. Review of the 2009 Law on Amnesties.11 Conclusion Through its courageous jurisprudence and use An opinion addressing wheth- of jurisdictional grants, the Constitutional Court er constitutional amendments of Kosovo has earned its place among the most enacted to facilitate the estab- influential post-conflict apex courts worldwide. lishment of the EU-designed The Court’s courage should be situated with- Specialist Chambers for War in the context of the hard work undertaken by Crimes complied with funda- those who laid the groundwork for its creation, mental rights and freedoms both before and during the constitutional pro- guaranteed in the Constitu- cess. In particular, the clear blueprint provided tion. 12 by President Martti Ahtisaari in the Compre- hensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settle- ment set forth guidelines for “constitutional, The Court’s impact has also been transformative economic and security provisions aimed at con- in contexts not directly related to the conflict. In tributing to the development of a multi-ethnic, the Kastrati Family case, for example, the Court democratic and prosperous Kosovo,” including held that the failure of a municipal court to is- key elements required in the Constitution. The sue an emergency protective order amounted to effort of all justices of the Court, including the a deliberate violation of the constitutional right current President, Honorable Gresa Caka-Ni- to life and effective legal remedies. In another mani, throughout its first fourteen years must groundbreaking case, the Women’s Quota Case, also be acknowledged; their commitment and the Court invalidated a constitutional amend- resolve have contributed to the stature of the ment proposed by the Speaker of the Assembly Court both regionally and internationally. stating that all genders must be represented in positions of governmental ministers and dep- See Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, The President of the Republic of Kosovo Concerning the Assessment of 10  the Compatibility of the Principles Contained in the Document Entitled “Association/Community of Serb majority munic- ipalities in Kosovo general principles/main elements” with the CRK, Judgment in Case No. K0 130/15, 23 December 2015 www.gjk-ks.org/repository/docs/gjk_ko_130_15_ang.pdf See Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Albulena Haxhiu and 12 other Deputies of the Assembly of the Republic of 11  Kosovo; Constitutional review of the Law, No. 04/L-209, on Amnesty. https://gjk-ks.org/en/decision/constitutional-review- of-the-law-no-04l-209-on-amnesty/ Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Assessment of an Amendment to the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo 12  proposed by the Government of the Republic of Kosovo and Referred by the President of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo on 9 March 215 by Letter No. 05-433/DO-318, Judgment in Case No. Ko26/15, 15 April 2015 www.gjk-ks.org/repos- itory/docs/KO26-15_ANG.pdf 245 In the process of bringing to life the Constitu- the process. Deserving of special mention are tion and a court with final authority to enforce the inputs of the Honorable Nekibe Kelmendi, compliance of laws with it, credit must be giv- independent Kosovo’s first Minister of Justice, en to the Constitution Working Group, whose whose tragic family narrative of loss provided members worked assiduously in internal the- the moral authority to negotiate issues that ap- matic focus groups to create a document that peared to be intractable. reflected highest international legal and con- The Constitution and Constitutional Court of stitutional standards while remaining true to Kosovo represent commendable achievements Kosovo’s own history, values and aspirations. in the global pantheon of post-conflict institu- Although it is impossible to separately identi- tions and will doubtless provide useful guid- fy the individual efforts of each Working Group ance to others participating in the arduous work member, particular contributions during ne- of post-conflict reconstruction. gotiations and drafting were instrumental in breaking impasses that threatened to derail 246  Contribution by Mr. Diego Solana, International Advisor of the World Jurist Association THE CONCEPT OF RULE OF LAW AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL APPROACH IN SPAIN TO THE PANDEMIC W elcoming regards and congratulations to the Constitutional Court of Kosovo during your anniversary. I am honored to par- bilize the entire international legal community on a global campaign to promote the rule of law as the only alternative to the rule of force. During our ticipate in this international gathering and cele- last World Law Congress, held at the American brate this special occasion with you. Bar Association and United Nations headquarters in New York, some of the judges of this Constitu- Firstly, I feel that I must clarify that I am not a tional Court came to this conversation of the glob- judge. I am a legal practitioner and represent the al voice of the law with more than 2000 thousand World Jurist Association, an NGO based in Wash- attendants, including President of the European ington that promotes peace through law, the rule Union Von der Leyen, President from Canada of law as the only alternative to the rule of force. Justin Trudeau, President of Ecuador, Guillermo This organization was founded by two great men Lasso, and Spanish King Felipe VI and 30 Chief more than 60 years ago, Chief Justice of the Su- Justices from Europe, Africa, Asia, New Zealand… preme Court of the United States, Earl Warren, Fortunately, this Constitutional Court was kindly and the President of the American Bar Associa- to return the invitation to our organization. tion, Charles Rhyan. They had different meetings and discussions with Sir Winston Churchill during Being the World Jurist Association an organi- the Cold War Years when the total annihilation of zation that promotes the rule of law, I should the world was a real threat. They decided to mo- start my intervention by trying to define and 247 shape the full meaning of such a powerful con- portionality and judicial review must be effec- cept. The rule of law needs to be anthropocen- tive and comprehensive. The rule of law is also tric, which means it must be oriented towards based on the principle of separation of powers human beings in its content and goal. In other and must be observed to safeguard freedom. words, the reference of a constitution to human Basically, we see that these core elements are being is an anthropological axiom that recog- present in all constitutional systems even if they nizes the dignity as a basic value of the constitu- are not always fully observed in political reality tion. As Immanuel Kant said, dignity is a value or euphemistically said. in itself that never allows a human being to be These principles of the rule of law also apply made an instrument for another goal. Human outside the state level. For example, within the dignity is necessarily connected with freedom framework of the European Union, a supra- and democracy; it belongs to all people who national community, but also in the relation must live as equals in a political community. of states with each other under internation- This means that restriction of freedom is nec- al law, therefore being universal. But it is also essary when regarding the rights of others only important that citizens, who are not lawyers, for a common public interest. Another import- decide that they will abide the law and respect ant feature of the rule of law is that is subject judge´s rulings, even if they disagree. Why do to the principle of proportionality, meaning people obey the law? In my view, because they that it should assess whether the restriction of see the alternatives, such as an absence of law freedom is necessary and individually tolera- or reliance on force, are worse. Because they ble and adequate, and therefore legitimized. It understand that in communities not based on is essential that freedom, which is by its nature the rule of law, they are governed by the rule linked to human dignity, is confirmed as a prin- of force, by a particular family, by an ideology… ciple and the restriction of freedom is regarded and, at the end, this confronts the dignity of the as the exception that must be the legitimized human being and the anthropocentric approach based on the principle of the rule of law. This of any constitutional system. It is important to order of fundamental values transfers dignity, continue the path started by Charles Rhyan and freedom, and equality into the sphere of action Chief Justice Earl Warren, promote debate and of state power into the sphere of institutions. All explain the rule of law not only to the elites or institutions must realize these values and pub- the academia, but also to the regular citizen lic authorities are bound by all elements of the who ultimately will have to decide to follow rule of law. rules against their individual interests. Without Legal ordinary orders are laws made by par- the support of the people on the rule of law as a liament or by people that must respect funda- common value in our society, countries would mental rights and legislators must enact clear be impossible to govern. and specific laws, that shall not be retroactive. Secondly, I would also like to enrich this enlight- The protection of legitimate expectations must ening discussion about individual rights and be guaranteed restrictions on freedom must freedom with a quite recent decision of Span- be guided by the mentioned principle of pro- ish Constitutional Court. I refer to the Sentence 248 about the restriction measures adopted by the state of alarm was not filed before the Adminis- Government and the Spanish Congress during trative Chamber of the Spanish Supreme Court the pandemic, Sentence of July 14, 148/2021. but directly before the Constitutional Court. I would like to note that the states of emergen- Particularly, the discussion focuses on the dis- cy Spanish law were passed in 1981 and that it tinction between the state of alarm and the state was quite a forgotten law, except for a very lim- of exception in the context of the pandemic for ited application during the air traffic controllers two reasons. The first one is that, according to strike in 2010. When the pandemic began, all Organic Law 4/1981, “suspensions” of funda- jurists reviewed our old books from college be- mental rights are possible only under a state cause it was a completely new situation. Now of exception or a state of siege, but not under let me briefly explain the 3 states of emergen- a state of alarm, which just allows for “restric- cy currently existing in Spain: (i) the state of tions” of fundamental rights. The second reason alarm (applicable in natural catastrophes); (ii) is that, in accordance with its lower degree of the state of exception (applicable in severe and intrusiveness, the state of alarm allows a broad- extraordinary alterations of public order); and er margin for the Government than the state of (iii) the state of siege (for attacks against Span- exception. Indeed, the power to declare a state ish sovereignty). The difference between them of alarm corresponds exclusively to the Span- is the intrusiveness of the Government. The ish Government (whereas an ex-ante authori- degree of restrictions on individual rights and zation by the Congress is needed for a state of control of the Government by the Congress is exception). The declaration of a state of alarm higher in the state of siege or the state of excep- can last for a maximum of 15 days and, after tion than in the state of alarm. this term, the Congress shall be informed of the declaration and must meet immediately for this Bearing this in mind, 50 Members of Parlia- purpose. Congress’ powers are exclusive when ment, which is the minimum required by Span- it comes to the authorization of an extension of ish law, challenged the constitutionality of the a state of alarm beyond the period of the initial state of alarm declared by the Government be- declaration whereas, in the state of exception fore the Constitutional Court. The discussion Congress can also set the effects and scope of was not whether the Government was entitled the restrictive measures and therefore its role or able to declare a state of alarm, since Spanish is not to simply vote whether if they support or Organic Law 4/1981 enables the government to reject the state of alarm. declare a state of alarm during a pandemic but whether the extraordinary restrictive measures Most of the health measures challenged were were constitutional, and particularly the severe declared constitutional. Limitations of educa- lockdowns. tion, freedom of religion, or the right of asso- ciation were within the power of the Govern- It is important to note that, although it was a de- ment and Congress in a state of alarm… In this cision of the Government, the legal norm used context, a norm that banned the movement of has the category of a law in our constitutional all people, anywhere and at any time, except in architecture, not just a regulation. That is the cases expressly considered as justified, implied reason why the challenge of the declaration of 249 a suspension of the right to freedom of move- case that will really work as a check against the ment (art. 20 Organic Law 4/1981), something abuse of power by governments. As a matter of not allowed under the state of alarm. Therefore, fact, I had the opportunity to discuss privately the Constitutional Court considered unconstitu- with one of the judges who supported the un- tional the restrictions, measures or lockdowns constitutionality of the restrictions adopted. adopted by the Government and approved by The judge was proposed to the Constitutional the Congress not because the Government was Court by the political party ruling the country not entitled to adopt the state of alarm in the and politicians expected his support to the Gov- event of the pandemic but because the restric- ernment, but it did not happen. The judge told tions adopted were really a suspension of indi- me that it was one of the most difficult cases of vidual freedom rights only allowed in the state his career. Like great leaders, this judge was not of exception. In such a case, the lockdowns re- only concerned about this particular case, but quired an ex-ante authorization by the Congress about future events when Governments could and a discussion about the concrete measures be tempted to abuse the state of emergency and adopted. Hence, the Government was not enti- restrict individual fundamental rights during tled to impose the lockdowns and should have riots, public demonstrations going out of hand, also adopted, jointly with the Congress, the de- crimes, or natural catastrophes. gree of the restrictions measures because Spain was really under a state of exception. If we analyze the practical consequence of this In my view, this case is a good Sentence of July 14, 2021, they were quite lim- example of one of the missions ited. The pandemic was already under control of a constitutional court: to when the decision was adopted and somehow protect citizens from the abuse people worldwide were more interested in for- of power. That is why I chose getting and getting over it. The declaration of this topic. unconstitutionality led to the revocation of the thousands of fines imposed on Spanish citizens for violating the lockdowns. I do not want to finish my intervention without I wanted to share with my views regarding this saluting again the President of the Constitu- Sentence because I think it is a very important tional Court of Kosovo for their kind invitation, because it created a jurisprudence about one of all the judges, and all the team that has made the backbone issues within our constitution and this international summit possible to celebrate the rule of law. And in the future when a govern- your 14 anniversary. Please let me also extend ment is tempted to adopt restriction measures an invitation to the next World Law Congress on fundamental constitutional rights, they will organized by the World Jurist Association in need to consider the legality of said measures May 2025. During these days, the Caribbean while doing so. In the current debate about the city of Santo Domingo will become the world balance between security and individual rights, capital of the law. my view is that this Sentence will be a leading Thank you very much. 250 251 252 253 254 @Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo 255 256 257 Saatja: Medina Kadriu <[email protected]> Saaja: Kadri Nõmm, Lyra Cela, Alba Dushi, Ardrita Fejzullahu Teema: Letter from the President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo Dear Mr. Nõmm, I hope this email finds you well and in good health! Attached please find a letter from the President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo, Ms. Gresa Caka – Nimani, addressed to the President of the Supreme Court of Estonia, Mr. Villu Kõve. We are also pleased to share with you the publication of the insightful presentations and discussions that took place during the Solemn Ceremony and International Conference held in Prishtina last year. This event marked the 14th anniversary of the establishment of our Constitutional Court and brought together friends, partners, and esteemed peer courts from around the globe. Please note that both the letter and the publication have also been sent to you via postal services. We would be very grateful if you could confirm the receipt of this email! Thank you! Kind regards, Medina Kadriu Menaxher i Zyrës / Menadžer kancelarije/ Office Manager Kabineti i Kryetares/ Kabinet Predsednika/ Cabinet of the President GJYKATA KUSHTETUESE E REPUBLIKËS SË KOSOVËS USTAVNI SUD REPUBLIKE KOSOVO CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO phone: +383 38 60 61 62 ext 101 (office) mob: +383 44 521 519 e-mail: [email protected] Web: www.gjk-ks.org <http://www.gjk-ks.org/>